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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at |http : //books . google . com/ SOLIDARITY OF NATIONS. MEXICO, AND THE BY GENERAL G. CLUSERET. NEW YORK: BLACKWELL, PRINTER, l^Jl BROADWAY. 1 866, W llllliM MEXICO, AND THE SOLIDARITY OF NATION BY GENERAL G. CLUSERET. NEW YORK: • LACKWELL, miNTBR, I71 BROADWAT^ 1866. () 1) ! /. 'S 'A 305860 I'W > •> * -#• • ■ T - . *^ I c i.M; ■> -Mi r.i^-.-'M-- S' X- 1= -G-O ,^ .> ■ '"? .f:^ i ^ CHAPTER I. J. . . . TIIE FACT3. ..:I)ix >fas on.thfi Sih of, January, 1862 that tJie first vessels of the jlWUtedfleete of. France,. Eagland and Spain appeared up(^ the Mexi- ,e^n coast. .;. . jSpain had taken the first step. Its monarchial imps^tieIice could not jVT^H^ty afihd in its desir^ to hiirry events, forward, probably al«o to profit by them, it had not shrank from' wounding the susceptibility of its J ^^ijwps. by taking precedence. i,. Exci^ws and explaqati^ons, tlvcough diplomatic agency, calmed the .jtwo Jellies pffeijded. •- The iSpanish landing coi^ numbered 7000 mien at General Prim*s .DrderS) that of France, 2,500 men, under Admiral Juvien de la Gra- . .Tiere. As for England, she had furnished but 700 men. Tne Fort of San Juan d' Ulloa was evacuated without being defend- ^ and y(}fi^ it the city of Vera Cruz fell into the hands of tjhe allies. Here a series of negopiatipns began, between the plenipotentiaries .and the gpvernment of Juarez, which ended in tlie Conventiou of the Soledad, signed on the 19th of February, 1862. . This conventipn^ signed in the name of France, by Monsieur Du- ;boiB de Saligny and Admii'al Jurien de la .Graviere, contained these rWO!;5i9-: . ' ^ . . ; /* Article J. The constitutional government, which is now in power ,in the Mexican Republic, having informed the commissaries of the .Allied powers that it does not need the assistance' offiered with ,j3o much .:b9nayol^ee hy ihem to the jy^exican people, because that nation 6bn- tain8'vithinjitself:»ttfl5k5i®'^* elements of strength to preserve itself from allj internal revolt; tile allies iwill ha v^ recourse, to treaties, to pyesent all the reclamations that they are chiarged to ma^e in the name of their cetpective nationa.^ ,, : ^ li . : o*^Ai1icre:2, TRith.this yiew, ttie representatives of the ismied jiowers . jplfOtesting rtiuM^ tj^ey hav^ ho . iptentioh pf Injuring . the sovereignity and intimity of the Me^i^n ijepublic, negociatiohs will be o;^eiied at *tQria, Orizaba and Tehuacah, ih order '.%o be fi^e Jtom Aha4eMi^Wi'W i^fluenpeg^ of Vera Cruz and its environs: *' i IIKXICO9 A H t> THB lOyCKK) men of whom 7,000 belonged to Spain, which had resolved to withdraw after a certain conversation between Monsieur Thouvenel and Monsieur Mon, in which the latter had declared that in no case would France lend her ^d^ to odtabUsj^ a llleidcai^Throne in favor of » Prince of the hoysdorBourpon^thaty^t o^llle 3,400, remaining, France possessed only 2,500, and that the English were about to loll6w the example of Spain, it will be soon what an immense interest Monsieur de Saligny had in deceiving the Mexican government by these preli* minari^j 'bv ord^l tQ giye time (ox th^. 'relnfsroe^f t| to aiTiv]^ and to save tne 2,500 unfortunate French soldiers Woin iHe vomito and from Mexican bullets. The preliminaries were never serious in the intent of the French government. They were an ^xpeiieh^ md nothing more. It is suffi- cient, in order to be convinced of this, to observe the progress of events. Firstly, take Saligny's diplomatic coiTespondence, which, fron» beginning to end, insists upon the necessity, of founding a stable and durMe government. This, in a sort of st^rebtyped phrase, became ' the pivot of all' future combinations. Eveiy one knows what a stable and durable govemmen:t means in the language of diplomacy. In the second place, Monsieur de Saligny supports himself exclusively tipoft the clerical party, beaten by Juarez, the chief of which is Miramon,. while its lieutenant is Almonte. Almonte, at the head of a deputation of notables wandered froih capital to capital, with the crown of Mexico in his pocket. Tfie son of Leopold refused it, and his son-in-law accepted it. All this had takeb time. Maximilian must have studied the lianguasje of his new subjects. Napoleon had to take measures to induce Spain, England and the Uni- ted States not to thwart his design^.' In fine, Jt was necessary to allow time for the reinforcements to arriviB. On the 6th of April, lS62, all was ready, atid, dissimulatibn being no- longer necessary, Almonte removed his mask. The French plenipotentiaries addressed the following letter to Gen. Dobjado: - " At the moment when General Almonte left France, the govern- ment of His Majesty the Emperor of the French hxid no doiibt that hostilities had long since' begun between oui' armies ^nd the Mexican armies. General Almonte then, offered his services; to bear words of conciliation to his fellow couritiymen and lead them to comprehend the purely benevolent aim which European intervention proposed toitaell. This overture was welcomed by His Majesty'!^ goveranient, and the general was not only authorized but invited to repair to Mfexacoy ' This is clear, and the duplicity of the French govemraerit is Blp]^- ent Wliat is to follow is still more clear. On the I6th of April, the preliminaries were deupuncedby Mondiettr de Saligny, after having been Violated^ by him. and;(^neral Almonte; in his proclamation to wie Mexicans, jireviously submitted to the eriti- cism of the French plenipotentiaries^ was able to say, officfelly: ■ *V Having reason tor knowing, as I do know, the desii'e otf the alMijEd ' governments, and especially that of the Emperoi^ of the French; a desire which is no other than t6 see ip bur unfortunate. cbhiitty''a«d fpv ow- 4»jyesj a ift»W<;pawrrjw4i?wVbisfed iipori pe^ce aiid ixid^llty, Ac, *o."*' This procTamatloheHded by'M'l^^oliiib to'tfie r«;i^i0tftf ^Mef of thd'Slb^d^^ tntotit Vefilfy^t to^' the property and privileges of the clergy; a promise whio8 hiiS'*iM)t ' been ki^ by Maxunili^fay ^H^^ tfo^sieor del9aligiiy. in virtue of the. adage that all b^d c4s6^^o»ti, be dehied, wished to deny the nijiture'of the itdaty and thfow tHe re- sponsibility tnpon the goyernment of.JvitLvez, He spoke of istttacks madjB tipoti the property^ of certain Prencb, and of some i&olated'sold« iers killed ufion the Vera Cruz road. It is iinpos^sible to be more . stiitnaftiv^, more dear iaiid precise than Jesu Teran, the minister of Joa^ rez, iif his reply. To the reproach of attacks made' upon the property of BVencb subjects, he denies that a single fact of the kina has taken place; to that of the French soldiers having beeia assassinated, he states that this isthe first intelligience of the kind that he has received, sAd declares himself ready to punish, if the plenipotentiaries are able to prove whJEit they advance. In retui*n, Jesu Teran complained in the name of his government that the French had not respected the treaty, that they had not only brought back into the country and protected men who had fled from it to escape fbom justice at the hands of the iaw, but that they had paralyzed the efforts of the legitmate authori- ties and haye gone so &* as to imprison and threaten the latter with deathvin several cases. ISoWy to support this assertion. I find^ in the official collection of the messages and diplomatic correspondence of 1862, a letter from a certain Tdavera to General Ixtapo, commander-in-chief of the army of the East, dated fi*om Gosmokatepee, 17th of April, 1862, in which he excuses himself for not having executed cei*tain orders relative to the National Guard of Cordaba^ where he had been on the 14th, be- cause the French had already invaded the country, and ^< had forbidden' the aiUhorittes to lend their united support to the supreme government (that of Juarezy^ under petudty of being rendered personally responsible,^* The French plenipotentiaries had not, in point of fact^ shrunk from tarnishing the honor of France by violating even this primordial condition, which had served as a basis to the treaty , •' to wit, that in case of i*upture, each of the belligerent parties will resume the site occu{^ed before the CQn&rences." The French, when the convention was broken, refused to. evacuate. I believe this is the only example of like nature in the military annals of France, although a breach of ti*ust has always been the trade mark of the Bonaparte family. Furthermore, the duplicity of the French government had complete* Ij disgusted the allied powers. The rupture of the treaty without plaufiible motives, and the iixed determination to go to Mexico, com*^ jplfl^ the breaking off of the convention of the 3l8t of October. Tki$ rupture took place on the 9th of ApriL In that day*t session Monsieur de Salignpr, ui'ged on by the emigres^ who were already organizr cd and led by the influence of Jefferson Davis' cabinet, insisted that < thenr flhould maitfti upon Mexico, while the i>lenipotentiaries of Spain modC England joMeetedr V that no m^ w^ of a nature to justify this, Involution." This drew upon General Prim, from Saligny, the ao- ciiMtioa of having wished to work for bis own profifc and o(f coveting tfchu MetxieAB <»QW9u AttWend of ihk&seisioif^ltegiMiAMMl 8p^ rately,W4^.Juar«X5.whioh theydidat Fj^dlla; and they-^werie;Aoue. tiie*. . wo):9e:for it,;.: V ...i,-.... . . . ■; " ■. . ,;-. .•,.., Throughout the affair, Saligriy had displayed tha|^9pii*i|t^of. B^baltera,. intrigue :which loves intrigue for it3 own, ^e apd oapnot resi8|;! tbe desketp' glorify ^ts o^yp acts. He wanted aa admirer of ; the 4eptt: of . his conception, and sp; chose General Serrano as his confidant, ; , . 'pn'the 24tt of KOjVember, 1861, he wrote to him to rldi/eule the "incredible innoeence of perfidious Albion." Tlje word innotfenoe be- ing underlined. Five days later he promised proofs of . ?' the sinapli-: city of the British minister ;" fuither on, his lynx eye discoyered^hat no one had yet been able to see. He annptmced f* curious revelation » with regard to thefchimerical project of aJlianQe between Mexico, England . arijd. the United States against trance and Spain.'* So inucK. inapti- tude is scarcely creditable, nevertheless this man's warnings were believ^, and influenced Louis Napoleon's policy. General I^rira, wlip had pass- ed sometime at Vichy, and ha<^,. likq many others, paid his tribute to imperial seduction, was indignan.t at being taken fov a di^pe. / On the 22d of January, 18G2, Prim addressed a iiippftteh.to his gov- ernment, in which I observe th^ following. passage,: ' • "The Emperor of the French has made knp^yn to. the Queen's ' goveniment, by the intervention of his ambassador, that he hasresqly-- ed upon increasing, by 3,000 men tlie expedition destined for Mexicp. **The object of this increase .seAns to be to uriite eletnent^ enough to go to the Capital, in order n6t to lyi-'olong the operatfons and the sojourn of the land atjd s^ajforces in thd^fc iounifry upon itfe coait^. " The instructions fconira'uiiicated to 'toiir Excellency are clear atid foiiual. , I have nothing to add to theni. But it is proper that'.Ypur Excellency should know that the project, for tlie ^estawisfiriient of a monarchy in Mexico appears every day to as^uirie'a mord definite. * for*a. ■"., . ..' .' ■ ■■ '• ^ . ■ ; ■ ■■ • _^- ** Sonie natives of this cOuntiy—^and this is worthy of' note-— who ' reside (k are' testablished in Europe, are working to that eiid."^ ' On the 17th of March, General Piim addressed'' a fresh (li^patch to his governnieht V ' ^ i . ' ; • .. ^" The articjlfaln the Fi:ench tiaperp, which opefnljy-'jiritiounOed'that the mission of our imperial troojis 5s to place the arch-diiKe Maxinilliitii ; npoii the tW6ne, conti-ibuteto cause difficulties to'be foreseen riot only' * between France and Mexico, but between' the/ imperial govei-nriient and those of Spain and England. At the sarAe tithe wit^ Generals ' Lmrretfefey, -Almonte, Harp, Kftinirez and othfef pi'^moters'of the rtioii- ai»(;hial project have arrived *at' TeTa= Cruz. The "MlBxican" govertMnefit; : informed of 'riie jpi-dject of thfese gentlemen, hf*" just addtesscfd- a ; letter to up, in*' which it ann^nees its firm ■ Tesoiutidn' of- u«B5*<. it& right, by daugifig tliose enemies of the nation tPbb piiWfft'edji^feto^. ■• finding thenwelveS proscribed, are penetrating into' Mfexioo With colj>i^ able" intent.'' ' • ' ■' '^ *• ; ' •■■ ■'■ ■' ■ ' ; '•■■ '' 'Finally, on the 23d ofMarch, General PHtn^^ indignattenbiirBtfoithi inthe following letter to Admir«d Jurien de la Gi^ierej th^ ck>itt0Mini3^ er4n-ehiof of the French forces. ' ' = ;.- .' ' *; . ^ . • ;:<*The aofc of tjon&iiljtingl^e pdlitioal mt]^#-ei* iritotb^ Inteiii^r tOf the' country, in order that they may organize a con sph'Hcy which* Vffl" one; dayidc«troy the exielin^^dveriMctift ^-^j^weh. an actytwh^nfyeitfiMre 80 LID AmiTT 'O F • HAT I ON 8. f coiiM'ftrwttrdr a&fiiends, and ard iraitmg for the day set Ibr eott fe g gm w i H is withiamtl a precedent) and I cannot' recover from my aBtoturinaawfH'*' thereat. . - ■ i *:t . -r" ■" •• ; • ■ -i- ■ ■■ '. ■ . 'i - •■ *'»!nro ** If you have received the orders of your govemmept with* recStfl^ to this, I confess that I n^ longer recognize the taischm^ jaeU&e^aiid ^rralri^flB of the imperial policy, as I no longer recogtiize (the lofty' > s{)&rit of conciliation of the Emperor towards £ngland and Spain, Fctr ( I am grieved to tell you 80,^niy Mend, but it must be done: the polic^*^ which you pi'opose to follow in Mekico, in contempt of the conferenoi^ 4 sincei it i¬ your duty to consult it in so gitive an afikir,- will hav'e' * the iMifortuniite result, such is my behef, of causing the friendly reil^:* tioos bJBtween England and Spinn, towards Fjrance, to gix)#cold, and'' nOone in the woiTd will be more pained at this than I, for »6 one in «• thewoiid has more veneiution and respect for the Emperor tham^il!* have,t.n6'one is more wholly attached to hioi, and.np one loves FranW<; and. the French ^better." . vk^ -^ Was Genei-al Prim vexed as to his personal hopes? Had h^ Us Monsieur' Saligny had reproached him with ddin^, on tte'^'Sifti-i of Aprii^ really formed a plan of working for* himself and^plaihi ingi the crown of Montezuma upon iis own brow? Certaibi'^ it .is, that the man who professes veneration for the perJafeAtf hero^of the 2d of Deceibber,' did not display' very rastidftouJi^> mOTality. ; What indignation he ghcywSj hbweter I Would not any l^ one suppose it to be that of an honest man"? i •; i ' -^M On the ITth of March, General Prim wi-ote to Iioifis Naf)^!^^^ tM^J' following letter from Oiizaba; . • ; .. • ■- . -ij ■:.■ '^SlRE,,,.-. ^ . . . ■'■ . ■■■■.■ ■ :.■.-•• Yoittt Imperial Majesty .l\as. deigned r to wiite npp a }^|(^:| wit^h your own hand, which, owing tp, th^e J^epeYolpfit wqr^^J^ opntabjflji with relation to myself, will be a title of j^ohpr toiny posterity.. * ... ^{^.^ . Aii.j^'egiiirds just reclamations, there cati be < no div^i'gency'. l>Gtiv'^e]ic the oommissiaries of the allied powers ; .stillilcss wbtild' there bel-a^/I between Your Majesty's troops and those of Jlis Gathblio. Majestjfi'ai.l Bat the arrival of General Almonte at Vera Cruz, of the foi^naei'miiiifctfl ister Haro, of Father Miranda and other Mexican eimgrea^ brings cfiaw^* » wai'd the idea of creating a monarchy in favor, of Prince Maximilian .« o£ jAu£ti'ia> a pix>ject which, if they may be believed, isAo jbe supported 'andsust^ed by the foraesof Your Imperial ' Majesly /and tendftjtoi.. create a, position diffi^^ult for all, and more difficult and hurtfid tfM'tbet gisneral-in-chief of the Spanish tirpOpSy who, {fiom the tenor! of tihe4iib':'^ st«nic1dons fiiom his government, based upon the LLoiidon Conventioas^) almost the same as those given by Yom* Majesty's government to yqvtil worthy and noble Vice- Admiral La Graviere), would- find ' himself [iil/i th^painiUl necessity, of not contributing: to the realization of the vieiriif.* of Your Imperial M^'^jesty, if those vie^s are really for tiie eileyalmii.'' o£.a thrpnet in thia country on which to plioe.the orch-duke vMaoimiirf ) iaofof'Austiia^i .; ■..:.. - : ■ . . i- . . " . :''..■«.«• :) «'.i fV)ini.ii r c^ IC i3 besides my profound :qonvkiliioi> that, in. this ^fcfixiltny, , mulbo with monarchial sentiments ai'e acarce^ and-.itis-logicnil^tliat^tlua ehonUK; blb^ 4in|ee.tlvis ooontryhasnev^r JuK>wa inijon$u»nhy. initihe jpewKytf of 8r .'VirM1llCrOji.)A]t»;THM i msm^ftha^. hxd. solel j^ in. Umtiof the tieeroys wbo^gotremad < MlOffdt(ig.lo has good or bad jadgment iuidi his owft lights and all ae-* oording to the custom and mode of governing nations made use . of 9t af^firtod Qo€ very remote. >V Atoiia]f(diy^.:theny has not left in this country the immense interiosts of.lMilai^noli^ty, aswaathe case in Europe when^ under the im* a* iAOn^f revolutionary tempests, thrones crumbled away; it has not .moidl interests either, nor any tHng that concerns the present ' generation to desire the reestablishment of a system which it has ne4. kaotwu, and which no one has taught it to desire or venerate. The neigfhborhood of the United States, and the ever severe language: of tbpse v^publioans against (he monatchiid institution, have contributed *ta^reate here a veritaUe hatred of monarchy. In spite of constant aflptation and disorder, the establishing of the Republic, which took plliee more than forty years ago, has created habits, customs and eyen a certain republican langxmge^ which it would not be easy to destroy. <^ !pVn* these and othier reasons, which cannot escape the lofty pene- tnMaK>nof Your Imperial Majesty, you will understand that the pre^ {londerance of opinion in this country, is not and cannot be monarchial. f togic did not suffice to demonstrate thk, it would be sufficiently pMred by the fact that, although the allied flags have been floating for iwaitaonths over the public square in Vera Cruz, and we now occupy Iher important cities of Cordoba, Orisaba, and Tdiuacan, in which no Mexican forces have remained, nor any other than civil authority, Bttther the conservatives nor the partisans of the monarchy have niaoe the least demonstration which might ever show the allies that such partbans exist. " Far be it from me, Sire, to even suppose that the power of Your Intqiierial Highness is insuffipient to raise a throne in Mexico for the Rioase of Austria. Your Majesty directs the destiny of a great nation, rich in brave and intelligent men, rich in resources, and which mani- feats its enthusiasm every time that it is called upon to second the views of Your Imperial MajesUr. It would be easy for Your Imperial Maj«sty to l&aA Prince SJaadmilian to the capital and to crown him kiB]g(l biit the king would meet with no support in the country except that of the conservative chiefs w/to did not dream of establishing tke monarchy when they were in power, and who onfy think of it now thai they owf diiperaedj conquered, and forced to he emigrants,*^ • '^Some rich men also wiU admit a foreign monarch who may arrive siaitaiiied by Your Majesty's soldiers ; bit this monarch will have nolltinff to uphold him when that support fails him, and would fall fi?om' &e throne raised by Your Majesty, as others of the powerM UBMI earth will fall on the day when the imperial mantle of Your litiriwty ceases to cover and protect them. I know that Your Imperial Majeaty; g^ded by your- lofty s&ase of jnistice, will not wish to force lUa ooontry to change its institutions in so radical a manner, if the oMuatty does not desire it and demand it of itself. But the chiefs of thb'Oanaervative party, who have landed at Vera Cruz, say that it will ' •oiBoe to consult the elevated classes of society, without caring for tltte dbins, 4md this agitates minds, and inspires a fear that violence'Will be dbw>me to Oriaaba^ and had« atraady prepsreA tb&wmwmofitmmp(nuitkok m^f^&i^'Wf^ they became avtrare lAtat* lat^rttfinii^of Preiijittit b^^^ of the French exp^tioQ, !dM(t^.ln#,.8ick it&ad.iiQ^Hi^^itofear^and covtd ^^ remain in U^,hQ9pit#l, ;na4ei: V^ aalefuard^^Mexiosa loyBltijr •' i r - h^^je{c/affiuiB te oike rpskxa itlone. . ,MooAi^iu*'de Saligny. laiad tepvesented in iis prodLaitiation, as. well a» iq his con-espoiwteDceaind private conversation, that the raajorfity of the ]|^9(io(^a people wer«r oppi-essed by the violeint. minority; who had< placed jaareisr.in power. . To Ite^r hiniv onis would havfe supposed thait it was su^cient to spread tha.flag of - France upon the breeze of mon- a^X5hL4:i- .! • Hr- .lib^rti/iy ^ btehold that oppressed majority flying fbr sJidfceKjbeneaih.ita.glpHotts folds. . General iLawronoe», newly landed, ^itir^y ignprWt Qf men and thingH. iti the country, listened. tO 'J^ speeches, a^ believed tlvem. His nature led him to do so. Ivwa^' acquainted with General Lawrencez in the Crimea ; he theu eommand- ed a coippaf^ J of (7Aa;s9«tir4(; c^<^ Ft»4e&»7t^ ^ we^rmed paitof the Mxte br4gade.{ t never saw a map. so iadtidioiis about discipline, so haughty a^di S9. Jittle,,feelii Mexico 'has been arreeted?'l)y nwteiial obsliaoles whicH ij^ou weire far. flv^m expecting, after the infoiv matibd that had ^beew 'given you; it had* been repeated 'to you a httfadredftiriie»that.the>ii^'bfPueWa summoned you with every good ^h, and that its |)opidatiori would hapten in your footfeteps.and crown: you-with-flowerb.'- ■■•■■"■■ ■■'"'• ." '■ " " ''/■ " ' " ''' ' '•»-^IeTfas with'the-^jcmfldenoe ihs^nVed by these decfeitfol a^urancesi that we presented ourselves before Puebla. This city wa8*aiiTdnnd«d' bjf ^bte^cade8>*nd''oTert6okertr«si9wheM* meatls of Jdefenbe mBd!'betii-a^(mmQhu«d.''-'^i .it..)-- tj . ■.....:..■.•.> :.. ■ ■ i.r> fiiti^'hot : bnly^'Uie'tpoWiffiiim geaewil ^whioh^i arjvi«%it)0re»t(O prfAest^agpui^ t;h0'4apUcit^.4f: // Xapoleon*» policy/* ■bun tbe 9iiiokiiig Moo4 of ib0 ficiina /^ FiTioc^)^ i9af(H*ific6d tq put a few- ccovtm^ in the ppcloet.of a.^vori|. (sleneral Fore^^. was sent; ?f?j.th remibrqecne^tft to repkiGe jQ^n^raL Lawr^poe?, /who waa-, beaten, deceived,. afQ4I!emoT^^ from f his, cepunaud.. Jtlei ;ernblkrk^ at- Chep'boarg on the 30th, i»f July..; The. /eig^;tiv^.iQf.th^ t^-pop» und/^rhia* orders amauuted;^, ?0,PQO wen. ^nd.oa^Jtbe Aath oiiFelHTiary,,186S!>H Jitter .b^viiig divided hisiaupiytinto three eolumn^jhe directed J^scjUif tQ.wards.I^iebla; whii^i h^e atUokedon t^e.l^thpfiMai*ch» and captured^ on th^}(8thof May. nQa the^lOth of June, he n^e his enti'an(»e 'AlttO' Mexicp..' .■ >.■..-■,' . ':^.^ i; . i;--. / ■' ■ i> ) .-.. .../-.i...; The first act of the miUtary catnpaign jw^s at an end 5 thejiseopnd? upt.of the political Q^mpaign w^jfilpiputtp b»8gin/,. . :; ,.: ;/ - ^A y^r f)r^iouB,i;* ***>*Teople' Will nt)t be wanting M^lii^ win kskyou why i)rt/^rt^ about tdsp^n^^en and inpn&r/ tofbiiiidafegUldf rHjreynment^t^iMhfido.-'' '■._'"'' '•'"■ '' ' ' '' :' ' ' ' '' "'/. •''''' ' I* the ipresertt state of the civHifcatiori' of the World',' 'the pi*6sj5erily of" Aineridft'i* not indiflferent to* 'EiiHrtfpe ^ fot iliii sh^ ivhofe^ds'our' faeto^ r{ci^'vtMcdUs^''Mh''*(Xf^Amercet&'iit)^}' Itfs to '6\i^ interest thft^' the Re*J* pablio of theiUmted Statesr!sbo«ld be powerful aiid pip8peix)usy butwe haveno in tenest in her posses Jttng the ^t4i6le C4uVf of Mexico/ In hePvi Ivwing'idoDtiiniCKBL^frpnL Uieoe, over the Antilles, ai^/TVieill as Soutbi America, and being the only dispenser 'of the products of- the New-' A(^jp|i:l,d. .ly^^ no.)v §|j9j tJ|xrovig]i sad e|:pei*ience, lip w; precarious is the fate'of a branch wjtivclii^ piifiQed to.pe Sting its. prime. iijatter in^a singlftj^. market, ol which it' endures all the vicissitudes. If, on thec(Witfaty;-Me5tt6o pif^feer>^esits indepehdetice and maintaiiis the ihte^Hty^f *its tciVit^ry,* if a'fethble g5vei*i!ine^t is feonstitut^ -tfiei^e^; with the aS^atic^of'^Pranii^, tf^ SMP-have'ri^tdi'kllbtHe Lalvri i-ack' upfm the opposite sik^ 'hf* ike oe^an if^ ■iif'&rrjrth and Its ptti^iige / ' We shaW haW gtiai'ant^ '«hdr -liebui^ty td'tur c^loniei* m tW'Antlllfe and*«Q> ' thoW^of Spain;' 'i^^sh^'hwiVe^ ^italilishM '.our Tbenefteent inliuenceitt^- the celftre'Pf Amelubaj' iiid-'this influien(56,-fey ci*eating imni'ehse Pptett^ irigs to oiii* coiAmerrie, Will '4{rotiure toi'us thd trfatter indispensaTile tb'^ owr^indubtry) . ■ '' ••'..^■••'■- - ■"-* '= ■«■ ■'.•:''•!• • - .-■ ?•' • ' o> -•M^sffcfo-, thus regentetitted, wirt aflwiyb b^ =f&vdrkble to ns^nofottlj^ thi^tf^h giirftJitiiAe, bni'feii'Jifsie it8'ltlt^i'^t8''ai»fe itt'hannony with ottiw,-'^ attfl'iit Wii^'iflnd tt'i^m^«'ditt)r«f'Sh'itd 'bm-Biri^ Europi^Jltv' l^iWers.; "'•^'^' »^- ■'-■.«< !^•i^ .i?fi;,.,;! J..-,:-..:-:,^ i-- :'•:!) -Na'poleo^. "'■^' ^^mMj'd^ Fraiydd, littdf wished id 'fbdnd 4 AyfeMMy. It is ^gmttkkt tlM pt^tied. It hrin ^th^ ^«M^^ '^ti idlei^st^ ^mitieh^nl to t^ French Mfi do ii(d7 id; U^ ioFget, flibot« alt, tfalii<^t«c]f(M» 8vi>wldf; itb im-i p^miat^ anfd oontttiito the! sdltrtiori of Ch^i^^dfeitioii. ! shaR return toil s The political campaign opened by the re-union of a /unto of ntite, completed bj Almonte firoitf antiolrig his friends a!!id the'p«it*tisansof the nsuHing the people, who could not be viden^ to secure the happiness of the Mexicans, and rdiolved td send to Miramon a depnta- tixm charged with offering, definitely and officially, that crown which for more than a year had been dragged Over the dust of the European highways, sent from the HapsbUrgs to the ObbUrgs, the Oobnrgs to the Hapsburgs, and which, smce the taking of Vera Cruz, the French trooper had been carrying in his cartridge-box. As Maximilian would only acdept a crown purified by the people's ' aanction, a vote of the people was improvised for him without p^e^i^ 4um or legal authority, and on the lOih of April, 1864, in spite of Mr. Seward*s previsions, which affirm, in his letters to Mr. €orwih,^'that if ever a thought of monarchial restoration in Mexico had been enter- tained in France, that thought had long been given up,'* the Mexican imperial throne was raised and constituted, pro temporej by the acceptance of the archduke Maximilian, who embarked, lour days after, at Miramon, for Vera Cruz. *^ It is not all to cause one*s self to be.prodiaimed president or eniperor of Mexico,'* said a celebrated Mexican general to me one day, '^ any pne can suoceecl without any more trouble than MaximUian had ; the thiug is to maintain one's selfl" France and its protege, were soon to perceive the truth of this asser- tion. From the seizure of Mexico was to date that war against an intangible enemy, constantly beaten, annihilated, yet, like the phmnlx, constantly arising from its own ashes. I have set forth the principal vicisitudes of this war in an artide written for the Army and Na»y JaumdU^ 20th July, 1865. The taking of Mexico put the French army in possf^ion of the central zone of Mexico, whose gre&t axis extends from Vera Cruz to Mexico, passing by Puebla. All roads, radiating from the centre to the circumference start, in the nortbem region, from Mexico, and in the southern region from Vera Cruz. Juaree and his generals occupied the lieads of these roads ; it was in order to difi4>erse tiiem tliat five columns Immediately set themselves in motioii. Yera Cruz, Puebla, and Mexico were ohoi^n as bases of operation. The ^rsX <^ these {4acee was left to the Mexicans, Imperialists, and negroes brought from Egypt.i t^ eeeond was confided to Colonel J^acnniiigros, and the third to Gfeneral SToiger. The most iipportanteolunins directed' theaisdivea towards th^ noirth, one to fine east, und^ 6f peral I>ouay*s eommand, the other :ta the west under that of General Bazaine. The first of these generala made himself master of Qneretaro. and the second of ]\^orelia, thBU bot^ ^^otkd M5unetion it GtiOi^m, ^liei^,'totifoVce<)f by mxSkAm ft o vi.i>^ iki*r /T fkiF-. |]t:ik itf o M . lis jtDQ^yps of MiryMMD^i A^y loonliwctd .tbfoir flwrahii|pw44!d^,filiui XiiJbi* de PotoAi aqd Domoga : it ia muMoesMvy to foUoir tiioflec<^tiim94>iAAU the details of ^.^Ur- miahiiig war ^gaiii^ m eii^W wbope ti^PRa V«re without organiiatioi^, diaoipUne, or energy, wbp fled inpt^of fightii^, who could not xemt wili> aaooeaa-^vcfa y^h^n fighting ten agpht^ one. There Wj^re. eaioep- tiona ;. but t)iey w^i^, few. Ai»4. the jl^amojeh General-iorCfaief. waa not long in aQDoanoing thi^ five; provinow eoJQy.ed perfiiot tra^qailHy. . ., : SnchwiMthe situation on th^ 12tb June, whw the pew Eo^peror inade hiB entry into the capital j^^evcfftbeleas, ia apitOipf tranq^ty lieing loudly proclaiqiedy the war contiDfif d, the French eaaily repeating their victonea. At Guanajuato, on the 27th June, at Tilacuaro, on the 2d July, they beat the Mexican patriot^. On the 5th July, Commander Ihr^hall embarked at Vera Crus at the head of six hundred men, and landed at Alvarado pn the morrow, &c. the purpose of attacking General Garcia, who had established himselt in an entrenched camp in the Gorge of Conqjo, and was protected by four little forts. On the same evening the camp, . forts, baggage, monitions, etc, were all in Commander Marshall's power, and two days later he took tiie city, of Tl^ootolpan. On the Ist August, Colonel Tourre forcf^ the passage of Cantabria, and occupied Huajutla. On the 10th August, Porforio DisB assumed the offepsive in his turn, and attacked Qolonel Giraud, but his patriotism was powerless against the Fi'ench organization, and he retired, losing four cannon and seven hundred men. On the 9th August, Colonel Ciinchant had beaten General Neri near Tourlot, and made General Ecbeven-ia prisoner. Meanwhile, Uraga had deserted the National cause, to submit himself to the foreigner, and Vidaurri had betrayed his government. On tlie night of the 24th August, Cortiuas arrived at Matamoras, and Mejia, at the head of 4,900 men, afler having made his junction with Colonel Du Pin's banditti, advanced to diive Cortinas tlience. General Castaguy, at the same time, marched upon Monterey, the capital of Nuevo Leon, at the head of a veiy strong column. He ar- rived there on the 26th August, took possession of the city without a combat, found fifty pieces of artillery there, and promulgated a decree of organization, in which kre read a curious article that we quote. It needs scaix)ely any commentary. After having provided for all srtua- tions by Uie first article, the second adds that ' any person designated by the preceding article who refuses to f\ilfi)l the offices confided to him, vrill be immediately punished witli six months' imprisonment, in con- 'firmity with the law.' On his side. General L. Heriller, commander of the subdivision of Zacdtecasy wrote to the political prefect of Durango:*— ' Sinoev- iadespite of my efforts, the landholders will see notbing-rtunderstand nothing, *'tbe decrees whiqh impose a fine of a thousand dollars upon the land- holders who do not warn the authorities of the movementit of the ene- .Wbv ai^ mmntajoed in all. their rigor. All those who by^any means wbatever intimidate the population, or :ti:ammel( the operations of. the -l^verpmenty shall be hj^m^t penaffy of kein^ kwgit before a cmrUmariilaly tifmsported.to ,Martiniq|i»e, ojr aent to a locality whero tliey wiU:«l>e jindm' the e^ of ipilitary authority, ..fwd subJeoCed to tiie other penaQ* j|JM,aet forth fay. th0 law.' ,. he is indebted for his crown to the 'universal^ fi*e^AM*(iiikiilftlotni Vd£ 'flMM t»idl;d<^ ahsd^^n M^eb. - ' ^AtM'in' >oiid^i^ tUtf^ HOthmg 'iblay l>^ -Wll»tbgi^'t^iM;iargaiivi6d>«6^ Ifid'^t^ple^ vot<$, tbeh^rdti^ th^tid^i^'^^alf'^AMb^'ih)^^ then;* Mt nWlle^ ti!p6n thb ttied Ba'FM tM^y comU^gi^nilMf mdH^Si^ii^'' htynetst ^in^n "call 4diiibdHtl;f h^ tel!»fthekhi '^A >^n*naittfed byH'hi^)>ii% s^w/ The Mfekl- i4»n8-arej^c^iH«iMwa%=Bhdt by the (BVench cotftfd-gu^rillas. ' ' , jA^V coQS^5^uence'oVfi^^^^ ppYi^ipnary, iuea^ure^j defection^ from tiie • lawful go-yerriraent and aiJhe^pn to thottcii^tf^^^ati-a^iier increased, an^ '||iere Were '5,^00,000 vot^s at ''least, Roepr^^g.tQ'Mai'shal, B^ai^ w¥i6 wks called upon to initiate this strange ipp|d^ Qjt boni^ultiiig popui- J^tions-7-to do his .^ork. . , . . ^' • . ... ■ J In spite of rc^pea^^ . victories .^nd, vgiious! .success^ » iij spite of the ^utary t^(^ )ns(^*|^d f9 l^^U€|s ^^apc^^ Jijid- the Frenpjb, ep^ipftei's employed- t^po-4 .or.'inuinifig.tbe. msk of being .abot/ Oa 1^^ si/d^ .Maiuxp^ian itireatedr ivtritb the; .T^i^ns-AtJIautici Ompapy > for the transportation of seven thousand Austi*ians ao^ ^^eval thoU^^d «3^giaQ8i„tfQ.prot;ec!ii>liim from the enthu^Tt Qf hiB.enl^eicjl^. : - » •^i- Itiwciuldnbe tedioiifr— in Wsumitig 1;he reiciDal if • military events--^ .)do more'tfaaii briefy indiloat^ the i^i^Cilts 'attaint: ''@eBe^*ar'€ast£l^y • i»vingi«eiBed Moniiei^y^his operatidns wei-e noWitnaiiifly directedagmrist -Jnarezi who hiad/coii^fithitedi» 'lhe'«tstfce df Dtti*afngo the tr6op» 6 ^$legreteiQvlegki&ndJ)oUSxio. "Sui5c6«tf'itift^re8tedvw*th''lhtt FVefleh. iThe MeMiteiiBiweriBi badly whipped by ttgreiitlyinf^6rf6i?6e. Juarez .tt^ with a few- oiivab'ymeit P&toni\Was isolated fi*oiti'»dp^rtd, uml •^Ortega coild not'ev^ft i^etaifh-hii'-^taC' 'Metottttiri^, »^M^ia-etrt«Wi 'Idbtqmorad wMrobi theinhablHMitsXl^lMifiig i'blo^i Cdrtintis stibtHit- ted himself to the empure and publicly fraternilMEfd Wllhflite}!*.'^ %)liiMife .^lredmeB/4md/WaHidiBarmedb(f (Solonel'^ ::' J : >*! < ; iii- < < .^. SiieoHfl ilm&jB eatiries dfefectioiu 'VZnfogfl^ the fonder ipr^Mdent^crf . MbzioOy Oeoeral La Gorza^ the' fbrAier j^oVernor of Taniaiilipttsj Goite- «til' BatodTOyi Ii»ii>ide*8.foirmep :aid«-d0^camp^' VidanTri^.the'. fohtfer •^veriior of ;N«ieto lieoH^and General iQuiroga, hw' lietAfibatity came to submit themselves to the liewfimperor; upon wh6m''a]i'8eei»ed to (nmle^^ndJiw'ho^^meanirhsUe^ jommeifed on 'amidst- the^iacclattiatibns, wKKfte oae l^sv'aiiiberey of theipopalation ; aootomaiibDs whidh, within the ■memory ^ofi than, • bave.nevep^ been- 'WBSllng>to My^reigm* on their ;jofnme]r8. ■ ■''•.'•■ ■,'•■■; ■ .' il ", ■ ■= , .m; ■■. : '.. • ' « In order to confirm* this sattisi^EUitory'siBpeot :of the;- situation, tlve return to France of the \«t and^Oth fottaironsofc/i^rswrurvajEN*^, was loudly proclaimed, and that of the D€th of th^lin«,'as well as of «ix hundred men who had served their time,; belongings to divers corps, -and the companies of the Imperial Guard. But in sp^ of this appa- ventsuccessj itwas notfiosBible to leieive the capital without nd Oajaca successively fell into the hands of the enemy. With Oajfica fell the l^st centre ol resistance, organized by men more patriotic than skilful. General Mangin immediately took ^e comnMmd of Oajaca, where he left. LieutenantrColonel Cai'teret jTrecourtat the head of a weak garrison. Jachitlan and, Tehantepec 4id:not long^scape the unhappy fate of Qajaca. Bxxti strangely enough ^t the moment when the struggle seepied to reaoh its; ^nd, and it ap- pealed impossible for the exhausted patriots to k^ep it up,, that CQiu*age whieh had Mled them when they had the means of causing it to effect their viqtory, ^revived suddenly again ; they seemed at last to perceive t^ ^kind of combat which could alpne bring them success.. On the 1 1th April they^^n^ilated the detachment of commander Tydgpdt at To- oamboro, in'Michoa^ap. , This detachment <^ 25 Q men lo8t'|Ldo2en officers, among whom was the son of general Chazal, the minister-of- war in Belgium. General Cortin«MJ returned to that .duty he . should .^ever hay© .abandoned, and bore away yrith him, on ins defectipn, 750 nien, and. threatened Matamdras. '. In the porth General Kegrete bore dow?i upon; SalsHb. the capital rv A II fD >T'U K. < r 4iif|filKm8(«i» «Mto0 thiiD cue 'ftOvtotansv taetfbre Loms NapdflM hioMcOf,. began to be pat into exeoiftiMi A dAVbion of the Paeifb sqnaiboOft MVunpcMfid'Of theXiic&feiv -tbevAssaa, the Oofdelicre, and tbe Pfdias^ 4|i^lte4 ftolOiIMbaitkm^'^ iCdondr Qacnidr'A tooc^ on the SlKb iiil.jgkwiyiilasyWliieblxoQpa entered, t^^ citywidioat xesistanoe. Tb& .gwii^om l^lOO) nien fttax>ng^ di[i^ppeel*^d and escaped iti/ipite ofaUl^ ,«tf; General MaaBgin penetrated into the Cbiapas- t«rvitory. and seized Tobaaoo4 the capital of tbe. state bearing the saase Aatfie, Jivueawaa in Gbibuohna in commnnioalion with Califeamia, where, by the intervention of Racido Vega, he succeeded in negoiiatang 't9f the ^mndiaee of 21,000 gnns, two rifled batteries, andthi'eemillionfr ,of in*Chief, in spite of his de- idre to prove the bontrary, that tbe situation, had become less favorable :than it.w>aa in the m6nth of February; that the insurrection, like the wave whic^ unceasingly effaces die track of the vessel, without, how- eveCy opposing its progress, had reunited behind the French army ; that :3ib:Hlterey was no longer in the posses^n of the French, but in that of tNflgrete, who, acoordingto the admission of Marshal Basaine himseli^ effected his ^^ retreat '^ in good order, as well as every other movement he saw fit to make. " Since t>hes0 events, no important military action has broken the mo** '^ony of the icoming and going of imperial tix)op8, who alternately i occupy and quit' the -Noithem provinces. The Mexican people under- hand that agaitist the French military organization there is no struggle possible, save through scattered forces, aided by time and space. TlS&y aim to strike terror to the hearts of the guilty, and not allow those 'Who came from Europe to compliment crime, to return lliere bearing its thanks. • Let them continue to make war in this manner ; let them avoid all important engagements,, ^nd, like the gad fly, which ends by driving th6 bull mad and overcoming it, they will annihilate, little by litUe, the military colossus which they cannot attack in front Ineedno better proof of this than Maximilian s insane proclamation against de- fenceless prisonelhs, atid their execution by Dupin, Marquez, Mend^z •«Uid others, in contrast with the generosity of Juarez to the Belgian prisoners. ' '/'From terror to folly the step is short, and it is taken ;* from folly to* 'hdn the ^tep'is still leks. There is no worse enemy than one whose . presence is unceasingly felt, and who is, nevertheless, invisible. .' And. now t leave it to a. frenchman, Monsieur Clemeqt l)uyemois, '(who passed, ejgjlit months }fx Mexiqp> upon a mission to Ma:amilian, ia "oj^ei: to study thesiti^tfonX to say what he thinks , of tjbe security es- j^'^luibed |)y the Impei;iiEil government, ^n4 of the interest that French jumects, in whose fiame tl^e. interventipn has t^en place» may hope for g^farn. \,.. .;, :. • •■■• \; , ,.:^:,,,; The following cj,pf^Mfif9pij[ifkJP(nefi^ 80.LIDABITT Ol' NATIONS. 17 Let us examine the interest of the expatiiated. *' We went to Mexico," says La France, **to uphold the reolama* A H^ T Y OK .NATIONS. ^^19 accomplished, no other benefit can be seen except conscription, the .benefit of a foreign country. / And now, let persons ask themselves what will be the situation of Frenchmen after the departure of our soldiers; let them ask themselves if our expedition is of a nature to increase the popularity of our natives, and itmay.be said then exactly in what manner the interest of the French residents in Mexico will have been served by the intervention. Clement DuvernOis. Would the reader form an idea of the horrors committed upon points of territory more distant from the capital, let him cast his eyes upon the following extract from the San Francisco Bulletin : *' When I arrived, in March, 1865, at Mazatlan, I found only tihat city, in the whole State of Sinaloa, in the hands of the Fi*ench. All west of that State was in the hands of guerillas. In ordfer to go into the interior I was obliged to smuggle myself, accompanied hj t,fV) friends, during the night, from Mazatlan, and as soon as I passed through into the lines of the republicans we were all captured, and brought before General Kamen Corona. As soon as that gentle- man got sight of our American passports we were set at liberty ; he wished us farewell, and promised in no way to molest us in the future. We passed the two months of Mai'ch and April in peifect peace, but in May the campaign was opened, and the French-Mexican genei*al brought his hordes from Tepic. Liberal Magnanimity — In order to illusti*ate the contrast betw^n the conduct of the Liberals and the French-Mexican commanders, I shall relate a little occurrence which happened a month before 'jny aiTival at Altaic, a small port in the State of Sinaloa. From this little port one hundred French- Africans sailed, accompanied by a few sailors from a French man-of-Avar, and commanded by a ship's captain, and inarched into the interior, in order to captme the seat of government of the State, the City of Ciillacan. But not ihr from Altetus the ootn- mander of the Liberal forces received them, and with about one hon- di'ed men attacked them in the almost impassible mountain roads iso impetuously, that ailer about foily of the French had been killed, die balance, about seventy, had to surrender at discretion. Colonel Rube, who was well aware what would have been his fate if he had beeii cap- tured and the French had been the captors, treated the vanquished with the greatest attention, divided everything he had with them-, gave them horses in ordei* to facilitate the toilsome traveling, and sent; them to Chihuahua as prisoners of war. Vandalism of the Frencil — At the time the above affiiir endedmo disgracefully for the French, another column of four hundred started from Mazatlan in a southerly direction, via Presidio, to the Villa de San Libertian Messillas, Rosaiio, and fi*om there back to Mazatlftn. That expedition resembled rather the desolating march <^ the; Goths and Vandals than that of a civilized ai'my. In Presidio, without Ae necessity of filing a single shot, the greater pait of the houses of one class were burned down, while the other class were saved by having Above them the American and English fiag. In San Libertisul the liberal troops, under General Corona, made some resistance, and when lJ[^y were conquered and compelled to retire, the flomushing little vil- /lage was xeduced to ashes. Two thousand people were driven into ttie fO MEXICO, ANDTHK tnountains without food or shelter, and every cow, calf, hog, or ohteken which could not be taken along was killed ; even the dogs were nol spared. More than four thousand people live in the State of Sinakw to-day like wild cattle in the woods, without any other food than half- feen cut down, and had not escaped, were brought as captives to Aosario. > In Rosario began now a reign of teiTor and death. After the defeat «f Corona, at Mazatlan, he escaped with some hundred men into the \«iountains. Lozado issued a proclamation promising an amnesty to all iwho should voluntarily lay down their arms and take the oath of allegi- ance to the Emph-e. Many Mexicans, who considered all further ^resistance useless, and who were without any means whatever to con- 4in\ih the war, appeared at Rosario, counting upon the conditions of the t^odamation, to lay down their arms and take the oath for the Empire. SPhey came with honest intentions. I have known and spoken with : 'oxt^ny of them. All were agreed if they would be suffered to till their tffoil, and follow their occupations in peace, they would gladly aecom- ifsodate themselves to the new order of things, and give up all further naosistance. But we shall see how Lozado kept his written proclamation. To ^illustrate what happened, I will give here a single instance out of fifty rmmilar ones ; Dr. Francisco Rimienta never carried any arms himselt^ «lmt out of old ^iendship for Corona, could not refuse to officiate as hU SOLIDARITY OF KATIONS. 21M private secretary. He himself told me of his having spoken to Corona^ and that he had explained to him the uselessness of any farther resistr anee. Besides, he said, he had a wife with four little children, wlMk would starve without his taking oare of them, and, therefore, he haA come to take advantage of the proclamation. He was brought befom; Lozado, who handed to him his papers of pardon and release. In th# evening he left Rosario in order to stay at Chametie with his fiimilyi The same night a creature of Lozado, by the name of Mauricio Oach taneda, went to Dr. Rarnienta, who was torn from the side of hiswifdi in spite of the prayera and cries of four little children, and shot. Thift : tiger remained till morning with his victim, and then threatened witl^ sure death anybody who should dare to bury the corpse, leaving, in^ I order to commit similar crimes at some other place. I repeat again, all these things happened before my own eyes. Om^ the night of June 1st last, I counted fourteen victims who were ledi $ past my window to be brought to the Campo Santo, (cemeteiy) to be ' shot and their corpses to be thrown upon the road. In and around' Rosario, at the report of a rifle, the hogs came running as a signal for getting hold of a corpse. I have seen a man by the name of Perem well in the eveniug, and the following day lying before my door hallv devoured by the hogs; and a woman, under seal of secrecy, ha* told me that she had seen how Perez was torn by four soldiers from his house, stabbed with their bayonets and afterwards thrown into the street On the 18th of June, twenty-two Liberals, under the leadei^ sliip of CoiTea, were surrounded by a French party, and though the Mexicans laid down their arms and made no attempt to run away, thejr were all stabbed with bayonets and given over to the hogs. When it is stated that these twenty-two men were on the way to Rosario to take advantage of the proclamation of amnesty, the deed appears the more honible. At that time I had to make a trip from Mazatlan to Durango. Thi» section was formerly one of the most prosperous in Mexico, and the whole way was lined with habitations and fences. But great God! what a sight it presented in the month of July 1 Heaps of ashes in*- stead of houses ; skeletons of men and beasts around the ashes ; weede and parasitical plants covered the open fields ; no fence, no root, no man. From San Marcus to Saragossa and Messates, one single desert, one ccmeteiy. More than 5,000 people used to live in these districts, and to-day not a single soul is to be found — all driven away from their habitations, and their fields destroyed and wasted. Heaven knowe what has become of all those people, bnt I saw some of them in the woods, who tell heai-t-breaking stories of their sufferings. Returning to Mazatlan, I had an opportunity to move in every dasB of society. My linguistic abilities and my social position afforded me ' a chance to be on a confidential footing with many of the best people: I have often taken my breakfast with French officers, who openly ander sincerely coitfessed their regi-et at the unnatural state of the country^ . and assured me they should consider themselves very happy at being recalled from Mexico ; not because these gentlemen were afraid, but' . because they had the moral conviction that they would never be able to appease the country. I frequented the best families, and remarked . with astonishment that no French officer was admitted into respectable jJ2l -i ■ M 15 X f O O , • li V I» T M B= ' ' ' . Mociety. I found the antipathy acrJiinst the French amnn«Tsr all cl:t<»*n an isolated road. I woidd mention the names of five of the largest houses among the merchants, if I did not fear to injure them, which complain bitterfy <3ff the inactivity of the French, of the exertion of the imperial officers, and other kinds of oppression. I could mention hundreds of the beeri men in Mexico who acknowledge the Imperial goveniment, but who are' longing for the intervention of the United States, even with the Ijm of independence. What I have tMd is the result of ten months' close obi^ervation. In conclusion I have to remark that I started last year for Mexico, becnnse I believed in a regeneratien of that country, through the French ; that I had many a tournament with my friends at the time, because I w«is a zealous paitizan of tlie Napoleonic politics. I have returned thoroughly cured " Is it astonishing that such should be the cjise '1 Is it surpnsing that a oountry of which the stranger occupies the temtory, overthrows the laws, massaci'es the inhabitants and what is worse to a Mexican, adds iniwilt to injury, should V>e in a state of fierce femientation which* leaves no room for the security of persons or interests. What the author of the following lines says is true with regard to the Fi'ench contempt of the Mexicans. The propiietor of ' large es- tates nch, and possessing the faults of the Spanish gi-andee, very rarely his virtues, resents very bitterly the treatment of the Gallic conqueror. The French suponor in character, look upon the whole Mexican nation with the most undisguised contempt ; and what makes it worse, they take advantage of every opportunity to show it. I have noticed with astonishment now inveterate that contempt is with the conquerors ; how indiscreetly they show it, and how deeply it is felt by all classes of the Mexican people. Ho who knows the Mexicans will understand how they will pardon a crime, but never an insult Whoever knows the character of the Frcnch military, knows that thy arc kind and generous in their acts, but mocking, insulting, con- temptuous in their words. They invariably take the refined civilzation of their own country for the criterion of their judgments, and treat with scorn whatever has not their elegance. The sight of the impov- ishod officers of Mexico would naturally create a smile, then give rise to a sarcasm from their lips. Marshall Forey has even dared to echo such words in the open Senate. •I rpmember having passed through similar circumhtauces myself.-^ ( have laughed at the coarse customs and uncivilized habits of the Ambs, and in the Ciimea was sickened and disgusted with the savag- ery of certain officers of the south-east of Russia, * I have often joiitod upon many such thing.s, though certainly without spite. But at a later day, I saw that the coarsely -clad man, with rough manners and words, who leaves his family and sets aside his interest?, to defend his country is much more worthy of esteem and respect than the young gentlemen educated for correct and elegant murder and trained to wear their embroidered uniforms with taste in apartments glittering with • light My eJtpe^ienQe.tell^;^what the French officers h^y^ pro1;>ably ,. -done, and my. heait what .th^ S^exicana mus^ certainly bavie. suffered. . . ' Now let it. be seen from the: following document and ai'ticle borrow*. , edfix>m L2 Fre^e, and the Opimon NuUoiiale of Paiig, on which side is civilization and on which is barbarity. . "The Mexican Banditti. *' — ^At the moment .when the dissentei's of Mexico are accused of being simply banditti, at the moment when we are surprised at seeing the Americans indignant at the summary shooting done by our Mexican auxiliaries, it is proper to investigate how these summary executions are judged of by the Belgian officers and soldiers in the Mexican service. Letter to Ejipbror Maximilian. " SniE, We have learned with horror and consternation the act committed by Colonel Mendez; who, in violation of every law of hu- . . manity and every law of war, has put to death a certain number of officei*s of the liberal army, wliom he had made prisoners. In all civil- ized countries, officers i-espect prisoners of war. The Liberal army — ^to which you even refuse to give the name of army — itself pro- fesses a greater respect for these laws than do the chiefs of your forces, for, we who are prisoner's, are respected by all from the general to the common soldier. *' Ifioe did not find curseloes in the hands of ti^oops sincerely I heral, th". act of Colonal Mendez wou^d call forth a bloody retaliation ; and we B ilglans, who have come to Mexico solely with a view to acting as a guard of honor to our princess, but wluymy )U have forced tofijht against principles identical with our own, might have expiated by our hljod the crime /»/' a man who is a traitor to his own country, "We hope, sire, that the bai'barous act of Colonel Mendez will not remain unpunished, and that you will have the kindness to give or- ders that the laws between nations shall be observed. We energetically protest against this nameless act. " Bruer, Guyot, Flachat, Van IloUenbeck and two hundred others." The following is the petition addi'essed to the Belgian Parlia- ment. •'To THE Representatives of the Belgian Nation. Gentlemen, The Mexican question has Irequently been discussed by you, but principally as to the legality or illegality of recniiting for the Belgian Legion. At the present day, an event of the greatest gravity obliges us to caU your attention anew to this question. The lives of two hundred Belgian prisoners are at stake. " Resuming the question a little further on, we recall the fact that we were exclusively to perform the service of guard of honor to a Belgian princess. But. the Emperor, caiing nothing for the • special service for which the Legion had been enrolled, nor for the neutrality of the Belgian Legion, ordered ns to enter upon a campaign, and uiiged on by the warlike ardour which belongs to Belgian sol- diers, we obeyed and resolutely mai'ched.at the he»d of the ranks. i . " Although we have had success, wei have also, unfortunately^, ex- perienced reverses, and two hundred of our number have been maje;^ 24* • iriC'XIO'Oy AK'lD^ tHM' priiofi^rs. HavHig no regard for our peculiar sitcmtioD, tlie Emperor- nas recently published ade^ee, the oonne^eBoefr of whtoh* may be ter<» riUe*. This deoi^ee annoanoes to the republieans that, aftortho 15tb of'Noyember, ^1 prisoners taken with arms in l^eir hands will b^' shot. ^At the be^nning of this month an Imperi^st colonel, uanved Mendee — an ex-Republican, who had sold himself to the empire— a^ man who had nought but ha^e for the Belgians, made a large number of prisoners in the Repubhean army, among whom were two generalft and several superior officers. He has caused them to be shot, in yUA^ tion of military laws, without even waiting till the delay fixed by thi^ decree should have expired. He said after the execution, to those who remonstrated with him as to the enormity of this act: 'Well, let them revenge themselves upon the Belgians.' All the other (French) prisoners are, in effect, exchanged. *' We have expected that all the Belgian prisoners would be put to death; but the Mexican Republic, great and generous as all fi'ee nations are, has preferred to do nothing till it should learn what course of conduct the administration of the empire will pursue with regard to Colonel Mendez, " Gentlemen, it is your pla«e to interfere. The Belgian Legion has long desired to return to its native country ; it desires to take no fuither part in this unjust war, and will no longer serve an empire where such acts are permitted. ** As representatives of the nation, you are called upon to act when- ever the Belgian name is brought forward. It is not a question of party here, but a question of nationality. "Representatives of Belgium, remember our device: * Union and Strength.' We address ourselves to you in the name of Belgium, whose honest confidence is being imposed upon. It is your place to prevent the sacrifice of Belgian blood. In the name of the country, accomplish your duty! " In the name of all the Belgians made prisonera by the Repub- *Mican army. Breuer. IK « « ♦ « " It results from this act of accusation that the Mexican dissenters* (whom we call banditti) treat their prisoners in conformity to the laws of war, while the Mexicans who have rallied around the empire shoot the prisonei*s they make, at the risk of compromising the lives of two hundred Belgians exposed to a bloody retaliation. ** Let all judge now. Cmjment DuvBRNois. CHAPTER HI. AP|»EARANCES AND REAUTX. We must now go far enough back in the histoiy of the past to find? the first diplomatic trace of the thought of intervention in Mexico. It^ ori^nated in Spain. That power has not yet lost the hope of reen- tering into possession of its American colonies. It hoped, by means SOLIDiAIlITl OF MATRONS. 25 of Earopeaa interventioOp to reestablish a throne in Mexico and cauae it to be occupied by a prince of the house of Bourbon. On the 24th of T^oveniber, 1868, Mr. Mon, then Spanish ambassador to France, represented to Count Walewski, '^ the necessity of estalK lishing a strong power and government in these countries." On the 3d of January, 1859, Mr. Mon wrote to Mr. Calderon Col- lantes^ minister of foreign affiiirs in Spain : " My idea, which I have not been so fortunate as to enable your Ex- cellency to understand, reduced itself to examining whether it wooldi be possible to torm a government in Mexico^ which, suppoi*ted at thft outset by the three powers, would end by having no need of any. *'Will your Excellency indicate to me, if possible, the fonn, as well as the means, which appear to you buitable to be made use of under such circumstances. Count Walewski and myself have leil the ques- tion at this point, in order to be able to resume it when we think fit'* Seven days later Mr. Calderon Collantes replied that he shared Mr. Mon's views, but that, according to him, '* moral and purely diplomaticr means were sufficient." If there could still remain any doubt as to the initiative of Spain ii^ this affair, of its powerful efforts and the project long premeditated bet^jeen hei*self and France, of overthrowing the republican govern- ment in Mexico, the following dispatch, from Mr. Calderon CollanteB*, to Mr. Mon, dated 18th of April, 18G0, would remove them: '* Your Excellency is awaie of the attempt made several times by His Majesty's government with regard to those of England and France, with a view to adopting a measure to put an end to the an- archy which exhausts the Mexican Republic. "Some time ago, I had with Mr. Barrot (French ambassador to this- court) a conference upon this serious affair. Mr. Barrot transmitted my indications to the Emperor's minister of foreign affairs, and, a few days ago, he read me an extract from one of his dispatches, in which it is shown that the governments of France and England are now dis- posed to combine then- efforts in order to obtain the establishment of » government in Mexico which will be recx)gnized by the entire nation, and will put an end to the sad situation in which this unhappy republic has found itself for so many years past. *'Mr. Thou venal thinks that the best means would be to propose the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, which should detennine the form of government in a stable and definite manner, and solve all the pending questions, whatever their nature and importance." ************ ♦ ** His majesty's will is, then, that Your Excellency should have aa interview with Mr. Thouvenel, with a view to seeking the means for the three respective powera, of intei*vening in the disorder of the Mexican republic. Tlie government of His Majesty thinks that the mere news of this resolution and the first measures taken to bring it to a good end will suffice to give courage to honorable pereons in Mexico, and predispose minds to labor in favor of the establishm^Dit of a government which,| without limiting the exercise of legitmate rights or the guarantee which they have in civilized countries, will for ever enchain that spu'it of rebellion which has caused so much damage ia this unfortunate country." 2G' ' "ii^E^it ICO, X KD.'triB' ' • '* ^ As is clear, the spirit had progressed. Moral and dipohnc^n m'nri were no longer talkied of, the overthrow of the goverament of Juarez ' and the placing a monarchial government in his stead are as clearly- traced as dipolmatic language demands. "A strong and durable power," on the 24th of November, 1858 ; on the 3d of January, 185D, *' a new government supported at the outset by three monarchi- al powers," Avhich cortainly cannot be a republican government, and finally on the 18th of April, 1830, "the overthrow of the Mexican Republic will give courage to honorable pei-sona in Mexico, and pre- disposed minds to work in favor of the establishment of a govern- ment * * * * * which will forever-enchain the spirit of rebel- lion, &c." Everyone knows that this diplomatic language means. The establishment of a monarchy could not be more clearly indicated. It appears to result from the examination of this correspondence that France abdicated its traditional policy of inatiative in this affair and • that it suffers itself to glide quietly along the slope of Spanish policy. Was this consciously or involuntary ? that would be veiy difficult to decide and I leave each one to form his personal opinion upon the basis of facts as they are about to be demonstrated. Thanks to the favorable reception given to Spanish propositions by France and England, Calderon Collantes thought fit to risk a project of constitution for the reorganization ot Mexico which he sent to Paris and to London on the 24th of May, 1860. This was going ,to work too fast, England stopped him forthwith. That power protestant' above all things, had no intention of being used as a cats paw by the <5atholic powers. Mr. Jsturitz, minister of Spain to London, \vi*ote on the 27th of April, 1860, to Mr. Calderon Collantes: ■'' In effect, on the 27th of April, 1 860, Lord John Russell, warned as to the cooperation that England might give, replied laconically to Mr. Istnritz that he did not repel it, provided that it was *' thoroughly understood that the use of force should not enter into the execution " of these projects. In a second interview, Mr. Isturitz insists, in order to obtain a more explicit answer from Lord John Russell : the Secre- tary of State explains that on its part " England will exact the protect- ion of the protestant faith" "to which I replied,*' adds Mr. Isturitz, '* that in that case, England must not rely upon the cooperation of Spain.'* The most curious part of all this intrigue is the sudden reviling of Louis Napoleon. lie who had not a single obiection to make to the Spanish propositions, who had seen them augment and develop with satisfaction, immediatly brought them back to the starting point by the passage of the following despatch which Mr. Barrot, minister of France to Madrid was. charged to j^transmit to Mr. Colderon in the name of his government. "It is besides understood," says this dispatch, "that the measures in question shall have an entirely friendly character and that they shall exclude the idea of recourse to any means of material coercion." Louis Napoleon was afraid of England and his love for the suprem- acy of the Latin race did not go so far as to lead him to engage him- self in an adventure in which he might have found himself caught between England and the United States, with poor Spain for; dh allj^.'* Thus ended this first period of the Mexican qaeBtioni= Spanish irttfij- • gue, English prudence, French felactance, niums it bp. It Was^ id hb set aside till the 1 Ft of September, 1861. CHAPTER IV. APPEARANCES VS. REAIJCMES. In the time of Miramon, of the veiy man whose adTice wtas followed in 1862 and 1863, on the 16th of March, 1860, the government had begun to loudly set forth its complaints against a country, the situation » of which could not be more unfortunate. In April Mr. Pacheco had renewed them, by a misa en drnieure to be acted upon. But in order to ' comprehend what is about to follow, it is necessaiy to know that Spain, in no wise discouraged by England's refusal, and that of France, to aid her enterprise, had pui'sued its execution alone and directly, through the intervention of the Captain -General of the island of Cuba. A year « later, when she was ready to act, she again put the Mexican question * ' upon the diplomatic carpet. Mr. Mon, alluding to the approaching secession of the South, wrote to Calderon Collantes : ' " The Government cannot conceal that this may be an occasion for reviving past souvenirs, and placing upon the throne of Mexico a prince of the Bourbon blood, more or less intimately united to this house.'* This is the last word of the Spanish political thought — ^that which was destined to remove all scruples from Louis Napoleon's mind, and to bring about the retreat of Spain at the outset of hostilities. On the 6th of September, 1861, Mr. Mon received orders to an- nounce to Mr. Thouvenal that a Spanish fleet was I'eady to set sail ti> operate against Mexico, and the Captain-General of the island of Cuba received orders to that effect. It was difficult, it must be confessed, to act with more resolution and skill ; and, if her strength had been equal to her good will, Spain, without doubt, would have brought her plan to a good issue. Napoleon, teiTified at the thought of any Bourbon restoration whatever, even at 3,0(J0 leagues from France, and no less enchanted at the prospect of profiting by American complications, to weaken the republican form, no longer hesitated. He intervened and determined England to do the same. A month later, on the 1 1th of October, 1861, Monsieur Thouvenal wrote to Monsieur de Flahaut in London: » '* I have replied to the English ambassador that I was entirely in haitnony with his government as to one point : that I admit, like Lord Russell, that the leji^itimacy of our coercive action with regard to * Mexico, would only result from our griefs against the govesrnment of • that cnventions, let it be covered with whatever pretext it may, is, on our part, the object of the most lively disapprobation, and that we demand the immediate repeal of the law of the 17th of July, last * ♦ » * You will add that we claim the establishment of commissiaries in the parts of Vera Cruz, and of Tampico, whom we shall point out and whose mission will be to secui-e the payment, to the powers who have a right to it, of the funds which are to be raised to their profit, in execution of foreign conventions, upon the product of the maritine -custom houses of Mexico. If the Mexican government refuses to ac- <5ept these conditions, you are called upon, sir, to quit Mexico without *delay, with all the persons who compose his Majesty's legation." Such langu ^ge on the part of a colossus like France in unison with England antlIK Meanwhile, Calderon Collantes addressed his ostensible instructions 4o the Captain-Genei*al of the island of Cuba. They are summed up in three points : First — ^Personal satisfaction for the dismissal of the Spanish minister. Second — ^The execution of the treaty signed at Paris between Mon snd Almonte. Third — ^The indemnification stipulated. Nothing in all this reveals the monarchial thought, if not the absurd- ity of such reclamations, equivalent to an appeal to brutal force with all its political consequences. How could it be reasonably supposed that Juarez would submit to Almonte, a man politically contiemned ? Monsieur Thouvenel had also sent his dispatches to Admiral Jurien archduke upon the tnrone of Mexico, we have nothing to do with < preventing this proceeding ; that is not in our convention. " On the other hand, we cannot take part in an intervention by » force, with this aim; the Mexicans must consult their own interests. The archduke Maximilian "will be invited" by a great number! "The Mexican people will be glad!" This is the sublimity of codt tempt for the people, and it is impossible to mock at a Qatioh with ., more graceful ease. To decree joy and foresee the will of the people I There is nothing like an emperor for power and perspicuity. Ulie Opposition took fire and thought proper to propose the following 46L,. MEXICO, ,AND TI^B. . , , , amendment to the address in reply to the discourse from the throne : ^* ** We see with regret that the Mexican expedition is beginning. . Its aim appears to be to intervene in the internal affairs of a nation. T\re engage the government to pursue nothing but the redress of our ; , wrongs." A discourse took place between Jules Favre, in the name of th* Opposition, and Monsieur Billaut, then ministere de la paarole^ in the name of the government. 'Jules Favre seemed to fear some hidden thought of monarchial . restoration ; he had heard the rumors, and read the English minister's dispatches over his shoulder. Monsieur Billaut replied: "England and Spain have united with us. The same offer baa.; been made to the United States ; but the United States, as regards Mexico, does not appear to concentrate its views upon a simple re- , paratioii of the damage done. Its policy sees things m another light, and we have decided to act without it. [Very well!] " But should not this reunion of the three powers reassure you fully against the particular suppositions which have made the basis of your speech ? Beyond the patent am^d decided facts^ you persist , in seeing^ I know not xoKat* secret machinations of Fraiace for the.[ ; benefit of a foreign interest, "When such suppositions are formed some proof should be given^ .. and you have none !" Jules Favre still insisted. Monsieur Billaut became still more explicit. . . ■: " The convention passed between the three power's is clear and ' precise. The aim is to exact from Mexico, l§t, A more efficacious \^^.. protection for the persons and property of their subjects. 2dly, The \: execution of the obligations contracted towards them by that Re- , public ; and article 3d of the convention adds : . ■ . . . . " The three contracting parties engage pot to seek for themselves, in the employment of the coercive measures foreseen by .the present . ^ convention, any acquisition of territory, or any particular advantage, . ,. nor to exercise in the internal affairs of Mexico any influence of^,,. nature to injure the right of the Mexican nation, to choose and freely, constitute the form of its government. All this is clear and precise ;, , all this very clearly expresses wh^t the three powers wish to do in> ^^ i common, and what they interdict themselves fron^ doiijg; againsj^ \ th«se solemn declarations what proof have you ?" . /^j •"Then why do you go to Mexico?" exclaimed Jules Favre, with,.,^ great good sense. "You ask us why we go to Mexico ? Gentlemen, the topographic , , and hygienic situation of the country commands it as much as the , needs of policy. To seize the shore, and remain there, is to give up . our troops to yellow fever, (cries of 'That is true! that is true!") it is t6 condemn our action to powerlessness ; .anarchy would retrench itself in the interior, and laugh at France and her efforts. " It is in the very heart of this power that a decisive blow must . be g^ven J and, leaving the yellow fever behind us, w© must go, as early as possible, to use force with an enemy leps formidable than tjie,,', fever itself. • ^ .7 "It is there, and there alone, that it will be, possible to impoa^^,, , ^ 8 O t.l"D A AftTY OK ?J A T 1 O N 8 . '&7 tespect ibr our la^ by force, and the respect of those of our Batly/ms, ss well i,h the esECUtion of obligition$ too long ago contractid totrards our count^. "This is why' our troops are going to Mexico ; they departed on the 20th February, and must noW be there." , The argunieirt, though spacious, niight not h^ without value. . They coiild not in effect leave the troupes de debarquement to die oi yellow fevefr in the hot landtf^ it was necessary to reach the temjper- ate regions, and Monsieur BiUaut liiust necessarily receive great ap- plause from the majority, which was the case. Led away by that ma- jority, heated with success, the government orator did not wish to leave his triumph incomplete ; he confirmed it by these words, which every man must necessarily have thought to be inspired at that mo- ment by the most sincere candpr aAd the warmest conviction: " This principle which we procham, this principle which is the basis of our public right, the independence of the people's vote and pf national sovereignty, is one . that we shall not go to Mexioo to violate, but we will leave thqse unfortunate populations perfectly free, pressed upon as they are by the governments which you praise, and which have never been able to give them any of those bpnefits, any of the securities which form the rights of civilized society ; if ihey wish to continue this miserable existence, toe do not ip^pp^e a ' tetter lot upon them ; but if they wish a better lot for themselves, oh I then, we shall encourage them with all our sympathy, counsel and moral support." We who have seen the contents of the Spanish and French dis- patches of 1861, that of Lord John Russell on the 27th of January, 1862, and have been to Miramar with the Mexican emigres^ know what to think of phrases like this. As for those rumors in the barracks and cafes, which exalted Max- imilian to the throne of Mexico, and to which the English ipinister wrongfully attached sufficient impprtance to make them the subject of a Sspatch, they are not, of course, worth dwelling upon ! " Such gentlemen is the situation very clearly set forth. And as for the rumors which, said the honorable, speaker, " gave umbrage to Her British Majesty," permit me to pass them by. Officers about departing have sai.d that they were gomg to Mexico to place a for- eign prince upon the throne. What! do you imagine that this great secret of diplomacy, if it haye ever existed, could have been thus given up to the first officer that canie in the way as he was setting out for Mexico ? T*his cannot be serious." Public credulity cannot' be more skilfully imposed upon. Our American Secretary of State was caught in the trap, and with lively ehaotion thanked the French government for its candor and upright- ness, in the following dispatch, addressed from Washington on the 14th of May, 1.862, and sent through Mr. Dayton. " Monsieur Thouvenel fujfillfl the desijre of tl^e; President . as te the Mexican question when he affirms that wc;may look lipoji tho; speech made by Monsieur BiUaut as (in exjpressioh of the thoughts and views of the French goyernn^ent. You will ejxpress to Monsieur Thouvenel the esteem with' which tt^e uprightness and the franJ^ness of hi^ €xplanati07i8 irispire itSp^db,C",vith' shooting- tipon the smallest pretext?. Had not all this been madel ready and foreseen by the French gov- ernment? Did not Monsiem- Rouher say that the EmperOi* had. trot fient the flag of Frtoce into Mexico to content hirhbelf with an ephem- eral i^eparcUion, hutto overthrow Juarez and his goremmeril? And what need was there of Monsieur Rotiher*s declaratibns. So- any -one who knows the French soldier, to any one who has lived with the French annies, it it is evident that the acts committed by the French army were acts ordered in advance, consequently foreseen. — Never does a French officer commit an act of impetuous zeal. There is too little latitude for such acts, and the discipline is too ri^d. A French officer does what he is told to do; nothing more. But he does all tliat he is told to do, and as it had been decided that the gov- ernment of Juarez had ceased to exist, as it had been decided, acieord- ing to Lord John Russell, that "a gi*eat number of Mexicans wqre to^ invite the arch-duke Maximilian to mount the throne of Mexico," and that " the entire Mexican nation would rejoice," it was necessary that tlie numerous Mexicans who had been exiled and condemned by Mexican law should drculate freely, and that Mexicaii authorities should be prevented from placing any obstacle in their way. Nothing can be more simple or more natural, and the French officers, in imprisoning Mexican authorities, only executed the orders from Paris transmitted by Dubois de Saligny. The only difficult point to explain is how to cause Monsieur BUlaut's declarations to ^harmonize with the facts. Such a thing was not even thought of CHAPTER VIII. . But, though :Mdndi^ir Rouher did not not consider it of Any iiti- poitancetoshow the diffisrence between the declarations of Monsieiir Billaut in 1862, and those of the government in 1864, between fWsts and promises. I do not consider it necessary to inntate his reservie: — and shall continue to show how much the.woi^ of their govemrae&t is to be depended upon. Strely, if the* Honorable Monsieur Larabure had any precise idea o£ the degree of i^ith that a man of good sense . should attach to Me; official dtckei^a^ynu of a Minister^ he he wham he mayy or, thoaeofani/ Mtfl/Htt^kwhAt^Qever^ He would have sniiled when Monsieur B^Haot^ in 1862,iiepre8ented.tihe iBLterventionin the light of an^expe- ' ditipUy without importance: randrednoed to slender proportions. ]^||^ . 1Q63, he wonld have shrugged his shoidders when the same orator j.jfeipresented the Frendi governmient as led on, in spite of itself, by oir- cjimsta^cesy inV> a suofsessive derelopment of ezpeditiona which it bad jnpt Qxpjected to, undertake. And when. the master himself, Loiiia Napoleon,. affirmed in the discourse from the throne, of the same y^ar^ t)^ : '^ The distant expeditions, the object of so mitch criticism, have not t>een the execution of a premeditated plan ; the force of circumstanoes ,1xas brought them about ; nevertheless, they are not to be regretted.** J^nsieur Larabure would have contented himself with reading bver his imperial letter, addressed to General Forey, on the 3d July, 1862^ and would have been convinced that His Imperial Majesty lied like a , mere mortal. The great error ot nations is in believing that there is a difference between a royal word and that of a charlatan ; the only real difference^ ka my eyes, is that one repeats, always, with ostentation : " I give you my royal word," while the other, after having given explanations, which the public are free to accept or reject, has the good sense not to fitake his word as a charlatan. Kow, as the people believe all that is said to them, they believe the royal word, and the quack's speech, and the result is always the same — they are duped; This is what happened to Monsiem- Larabure, as is proved by hb report upon supplementaiy credit, in the session of 1864. The follow- ing passage OQcm*s therein with relation to Mexico : " We must not disguise it from ourselves, these repeated expeditions di8<][uiet the nation. Let us say it forthwith, to be just, that as to that of Mexico, which weighs the most upon the public mind, and upon our budget^ it has only acquired the considerable proportions of which it now gives evidence, owing to a series of unfortunate incidents, which the government could neither foresee nor prevent." How much more sensible was Monsieur BeiTyer, when, during the same year, in the discussions relative to the same credits, he said ; '.'Nothing afliiets me more than the present division of the United States. I aspire to the re-establishment of peace with as little sacrifice as possible to both paities in that great nation. But in what manner soever affairs terminate, do not forget that North America will always be a considerable and powerful State, upon the whole American teni- toiy ; do not forget that there is offence to her in our conduct in the expedition to Mexico. " Those who exclaim have not sufficiently studied either the docu- ments under our eyes^ o.i all the historical facts that cannot be denied, and T^hich only go back during the three last yeai-s, I do not speak of that profound feeling which is the vital principle, the nerve of po- litical existence in the United States, of that sentiment called the Morwoe doctrine; that is to say, in the impatient and inimical fseling with which these United States regard the intervention of any Em*opi9an power in American affairs. *^ I do not speak of this feeling— but how did you begin the Mexi- ean expedition'? By the Convention of the 81st October. ^' And what did you say in that convention t Yielding to a derfre oa the part of England, you say that the United States are invited to form a part in it. You beg them to do «o; and in a letter written bn « O ,1' 1 ;> A Jl i T Y p F >l ^. T I O N » . } , 43 ^^he 25th of July, 1862, 1 have read^ in the.cleareiit terma, th^t you ^TOropose to form a new establishment in. Mexico, precisely in order to * qSfiiinish the influence of the Northern ^tates, and to prevent that ;' power, whose prosperity would nevertheless "be so useful to our com- merce, from assuming a disquieting development in South America. Thus, tJie Mexican expedition was partly undertaken against the United States. . ' ''I exaggerate nothing, gentlemen; I tell the truth. Read once . more the letter of the month of July, 1862, and you will see, in plain ' terms, that the development of the Unked States must be arrested, " Well, then, if you succeed, when the United States, toward which y6u have acted thus, (and who have that vital principle of which I nave just spoken,) see, after the termination of then* war, a. State that you cannot sustain, even at the cost of immense sacrifices, and, how- ever immense they may be^ I fear they would, unfortunately, be use- less. When the United States see, I repeat, that establishment that will have been raised against them, hostilities will come from all sides ; the Republic t)f the North will not endure the imperial monarchy of Mexico, and war will break out sooner or later. Such are the perils into which you draw Prince Maximilian by inviting him to enter an impossible situation, an impracticable one, which will be ruinous to ^France if she peraists in such an entei-prise." [Applause from several benches.] What admirable good sense is shown by this octegenaiian, the Nestor of parliamentaiy debate! Is it not strange to see this accredit- ed representative of legitimacy expressing himself with so much sym- pathy for our gi'eat Republic, when, at the same moment, one of the en/ants terrihles of the same party, the Prince de Polignac, tiie descend- imt of those court minions who, under all circumstances, have known liow to ruin and compromise all that they have attempted to defend, was fighting in the Confederate ranks and contributing to Banks' de- feat upon the Red River I Monsiem- Berryer is not a man to content himself with a simple ex- p'J ; he wiishes to know to what degree France was engaged. He inteiTogates the government on the 27th of January, 1864: '* Is it true that the government has not taken any engagement for the countiy, either in a financial view or as regarded our soldiers? Are we engaged, or are we not?" And Monsieur Rouher sends him back to Monsieur Larabure and his report : "If you have read Monsieur Larabure's report, you will be edified." • Now this is what the report said : '*At this moment the emperor's government declares that it is en- gage profit." ;^I'' Several voices. " Where is the signature '?" Monsieur Rouher. *' It is signed by Monsieur de Montholon." **A poor guarantee," said several voices. Mr^. Rouher continued : " But, it is sjtid, the treaty contains engagements contrary to oar' declaration. What does the treaty say 1 lii the first place, the corps . ' u? armee will be reduce4 to 25,000 men. The expedition will be ended^ and ^he ret^n-n of the troops, until they comprise 10,000 men, will be .^ eflfecte THE ■ «» - gopd bdiavior. ^'RByolationftiiosI.^V.criw the shwU votee of tltt mkiister de lapofvle and the fiHlgihteofd pack runs t6 its kennel^ with'"^ ears down and head bent. ' Poor Frai)ce!. CHAPTER IX- TIIE REALITY. THfi session of 1865, by bringing the discourse from the throne ■ and the address, brought baok the same vain promises and the same timid wishes. Tins . session was particularly remarkable from the speech made by Thiers with relation^ to the financial situation, but let. us not anticipate. In his opening discourse, Louis' Napoleon said : "Thus all our expedition* ai*e near their end:; our land troops have'- evacuated China; the navy fluffioes to maintain our establishment in Cochin China; our army of A&ida is. about to be reduced; that of^ Mexico is already reentering France ; the garrison of Rome will 300ii return, and, in closing the temple of war, we may, with pride, inscribe upon a new arch of triumph these words: *To the glory of thd Fi*en^ armies, for victwries gained in Europe, Asia, Africa and America.' "Let us give ourselves up without anxiety to the labors of peace. "In Mexico, the new throne is being consolidated, the country ig' being pacified, its immense resources are being developed: the happy ] effect of the valor of our soldiers, of the good sense of the Mexicati''^ population, of the intelligence and energy of the sovereign." He forgot to tell France what vast sums these distant erpeditionB had cost, and how little they liad effected ; but France, for a long time past, has ceased to be cwious; docile and resigned, it pays withottt ' murmui'ing. As for the truth, it persists in holding aloof from Louis '• Napoleon, and obstinately refuses to sanction his asseitions relative to • ' the ^^ development of the immense resources of Mexico," and the con- solidation of the throne, as well as the pacifioation of the countiy. liojois Napoleon cared very little for this, and, passing it over, garre the: following plausible expose of the situation of the empire: "The Emperor Maximilian, has taken possession of the crown, which' had been offered him by the national desire; and his arrival in his States has fortunately put an end to the provisions^iy situation of Mexico.; -■ The reception given to the Emperor in the capital and in the provinces- by all classes of the population, the adhesion that the important men ot the diffei*ent parties have come, successively, to offer to the imperii ' regime^ permit no doubt as to the aspirations of the immense majority* of the Mexican people. ■ ' • *'The new sovereign will derive from these dazzling manifestationis ' that strengthened confidence which is necessary to enable him to ao*> i ' complUh the great and generous mission which he has resolutely Iks'*'* cepted. The pacification of so vast a country, where brigandage, prc^t^^' ^^ ing by the permanence of internal dissension, had constantly shelte^cfd''^ BOLI^J^B.XT.Y O^ XAT10N8. f^ \lae\f ander the flag of a poli^cal party, ^coiild not be accomplished. ia ^ day. It 18, nevertheless, rapidly ending, thanks to the activity and •oarage of our soldiers in the expeditions which have led them to the OKMit opposite points of the territory. In fact, the re-entrance intp Prance of the men who compose oyr effective, has already begun, ^dj will follow its course in the measure which our solicitude for the iii^ tere$t that led us to Me^co sliall indicate. Functionaries from the diderent branches of our. administration have beei^ placed at the dispo-^ sition of the JMcxic^n government, upon its demand, to aid it in the^ work of internal reorganization," „. Thus spoke the Emperor. TLe Legislative Corps replied; **The Legislative Ct^rps thinks, like yourself, sire, that the uatio;Qi|, most wisely governed must not flatter themselves that ttey can alwa^a escape external complications, or that they can judge without error' as well as without weakness. The distant expeditions to China, Cochib; China and Mexico, which have followed, one upon another, hav^, xt^ tvuth, greatly disturbed the mind of France, owing to the obligations and s;icrifices to which they have led. We admit that, abroad, ttey^ itxust inspire respect for .our natives and for the French flag, and th^ ijicy may also develop our maiitime commerce; but we should b^ bappy to see those good results soon realized, which yom* Majesty leadif us to hope." . ;< , For the Legislative Corps, this language, humble as it may appear ly a freo country, was very. daiing. It almost expressed a wish. ■ Thiers came to clear up the nnancial question by his experience anq his logical, clear and cutting words. , * , The budget of 1862, voted in 1861, (ordmaiy and extraordinary,) comprised 1,070,000,000. The 1862, when the rectifying budcfit came, it^dded 192,000,000 to the preceding figure, which, added; At. Thievs, is "easily explained; wasi^ not the year of the gi'eat Mexicai) expenditure, tJie year of the check of Pueblat" In 1862 the defijpj,- tive liquidation of* the said budget added 50,000,000, so tlwit the ea^ .tjffe expenditure of 1862 amounted. to 2,212,000,000. . $he budget of 1803, voted in' 1862, (botll ordinary and extiaordi; j[^y,i comprised 2,06-1,000,000. The rectifyiiig budget and liquida^r jljlpn brought this, sum up to 2,292,000,000, ''which is qiiite natural,'^ adds JVf. Thiei's, with his ironical good natm*e j "this year was aj^^r of great expenditure — we were obliged to transpo^rt 40,000 men pf M^ico." :. - ' The budget of 1864, voted in 1863, (ordinai-y and extraordinaiy,) -f(?pmpi-isod 2,105,000,000; the rectifying budget ^cjded 135,000,000 aiid liquidation added 40,0()0,000, whicjh gives atotal of 2, 2 70,000, OOC^ a total sum-up of less than that ot'thfi preceding year, which M. Thi^ iexplains to us in the jbllowiug manner : Instead of having the ^ iienses of transporting, these men to pay for, France had only thefi' jt^p to pay. If we' refer to tbeWdgets which preceded the new'^r jpfiVial wars^ the normal 'amount of which was about 1,500, 000,000^ it win be seen that this figure of 702,000,000 — necessary to fill up tlj|^ ^fterence in thesV old budgets and ^he new ones— can oe atitributed to jbut one thing: military expeditions' and occupation^ now, thosia'.cS' Poehiu;^hina apd Home cost coinparatively little,; in fact those o| |lonie dd hbt' aifnount to ^6,'O00;j60O; anSf C6c(hin-Ghma cau qhly t>^ cdtinted from memory. ■; » ;i » i* ' The expenses carried to the budget for the embellishments of the cap- ital may be alleged. The supposed amount in 1863 w&s 250;i)00,00OY tmt it is incontestible that these expenses bring in, while those in Mexico have never given a cent ; and it may be. qoncluded that Mexicd ,000, more or less sKt- ftilly disguised or dissembled by five budgets, which, under diverei* fitles, consummate the annual despoiling of the French people. M.' Thiers writes that the evacuation of Mexico would, produce merely ati annual economy of 50,000,000. In this he is (entirely wrojig. .The ijne^port of the ti'oops alone costs that sum. There are, besides, secret a)enses in a country where the security of the new order of thingrf y rests upon sp^^ng and denouncing; and these, as wiell as the riiaintaining of Maximuian and his court, ceitsiinTy cost, at least, ad Dtuch. , ■' Mexico has'eftgaged to pay 25,000,000 annually to France, to stlp- port the French troops, and 2,400.000 francs for maritime ttansporta-" flon. There was a sum of 54 Mexican millions upon the budget of 1864, inscribed m the chapt'fer of receipts. These 54,000,000 havB Reen given under title of the first loan emitted at 63, whiqh is now at 46. Can this be realized at such a discount 1 Can Mexico pay ^t^ IFVlth whati In obligations of the first loan t But theise titles which inrere at 345 have fallen t6 315.50. Will it pay with moneyt Where can it be found? Where are the resources to meet its engagements t Its income revenue, carried up to 100,000,000, has, in reality, never exceeded 80,000,000 receipts ; nevertheless, the expenses of Mexico iimount to 180,000,000. * T^e custom houses, it is said, have, in these latter days, given fabu- tims products. The total figure of importation and exportation is 8(1)0,000,000. Can they bear a tax of 50 per cent, and be able to pro^ dtace the 100,000,000 deficient in the receipts? (The loan remains ; let us see what it produces. Thanks to arrears, c(^m- ibissions and remittances, which it has been obliged to make — thanks tti these prizes, an immoral lure thrown out by imperial coveteousness b)-^pular cupidity, Mexico has received 40,000,000 out of 250,0004)00 Winch it had borrowed, .as it is easy to see by the following letter froim tf r. Romero to Mr. Seward : "Mexico, December 17, 1865. * rBztract from ft letter written by a commercial honse in the City of Hexioo, Dec« 17, 1865.1 " *The thrbe loans put upon the market since the establishment of tfie empire have burdened the nation with a new debt of nearly 1^0,000,000. Of this sum only a small part, amounting to about TC,000,000, has been really used for the public service. The rest has disappeared in the amount withheld for interest in advance on the Ibans; the difiei'ence between the nominal value of the loans and the price at which the bonds were sold, commissions to various bankert ted others, expenses of operations^ on the Bourse, payment of ijifb French army, return of sums advanced for the support of the Mexicali forces, subvention to the line of steamers from St Nazaire, paymenn on account of the civil list of the emperor, presents t6 various favoritei^ nid remittances to Miramar. ^ ff\ ^Jxx conse^iKaiCQi the fioAaoe comnmaion ii^ P^is hd^.x^t the disno; cilipp of Maxim^l^ only a small IdLaace^ wl|ich. wUl be .^r^ly .sw|^ iAeaX to cover expenses doring the ixfonth of Jamiai'y.' r . ., "Altiiough not - "" "^ ^ "'^^ ^ " •' ti'usting the exact j 4>f the amount ( ^ " remain to .he disposed o^ reserving for some peiiectly safe ppportimitj the transmission to yoa of the exact balances and the total amount of tl|e foreign debt since the creation of the empire. . c. : ''The acquisition of these important documents will reveal to the world the infamy that has been peipeti-ated in seeking to load Mexico i^th enormous sums that have only served ta.pay the war expenses of France and to enrich our sovereign and other high personages con- jpiected with the present order qf aflGwrs. ''Perhaps in this letter X may be able to inclose you a copy of the revista which is periodically sent to the Unitefl States, and in that yon will find fmthcr details of the financial situation of the en^pire ; but| a3 k may not bo possible, I give you here some id pa of it : !•• Total prodact of the loans, 3en,vhich ^e i^ vitally indispensable, I believe that, without other adufces of snpply, the existence of the Government may be prolonged until the end bf February. From that titrie forwaifd, neither by the greatest extoT* lions, nor by duplicating the exactions of to-dJiy, can its existence be prolonged for six months more." . How can it pay 54,000,000 in two years — 1865 and 1866 ? Tlrt enterprise ^ay as well be called a failui-e at once, for the empire wouM not have a year's existence. As M. Thiers veiy properly and very cunningly remarks, Meid66 uses Fi'^nch money, and Prance uses the Mexican signature. That j» the truth. It is the same with gbf eraraents as with private individuals^— tHeif credit gives the measure of their strength. A government which, to procure 40,000,000, consents to sign an olJi^ ligation for 400,000,000, and which, to arrive at this result, appeals to the worst passions and sth-Q up the di'egs of human cupidity, has no fhith in its own future ; it bon-ows without a thought of returning^ ^^e law would reach it as a madman or as a swindlei*, were it a private in- dividual, and honest people should mark it with moral stigma, in order to establish an impenetrable bander between them and adventurers.; The following exposure of the financial situation of Mexico, taken from The Heicddoiihe 21st of March, 1866, is still more eloquent than Monsieur Thiers' speech : The following tables, compiled from information recently received ii*om official sources, present the financial condition of Mexico as it waa in 1862, at the commencement of the French interrention, and as it would be under the indebtedness aheady incuned by Maximilian, Hhould his attempted throne be maintained by France. * First, they show that the French Government has charged Mexico for the expenses of invasion of her tenltory and othei' acts of inter- vention up to July i, 1864, the sum of $50,000,000. Of this sum 10,000,000 have been paid but of a loan subsequently made, and the remainder (40,000,000) has been fiinded as a claim due by Mexico to the French government itself. ' iSecond, that besides the above 40,000,000, loatis have bieen negotia- ted .for Maximilian in France to the hmount of more than $150,000,000, which loans France if seeking to foist on 'the Mexican people as a JiQgitiraate debt, although every dollar realized therefrom has been used not for the welfai-e or benefit of Mexico, but to meet the expenses which have teen incused in this iniquitous attempt to overthrow re- publican institutions and. establish' a monarchy on American soil. ' Third, that while the claims of France against Mexico, as admitted by the' constitutional government before the intervention began, amounted to less than $3,000,000, the claims of France, as now ptft forward under Maximilian, and recognized by him, amount to over ^193,000,000. This* is a^nrt jfrom what may still be added under General Forey's recent ^d very significant reminder on the pai^ of France, that it majr be necesshrj^ "to rtiake further pecuniary out allowed to succeed. wiB be in*- SOLtt^AR'ltT <»> NAtVOKd. t^ •creased, even if no further addition is made to it, to over $270,000,000. Fifth, that the annual expenses of Mezioo under the republic were less than $12,000,000, while under Maximilian they have ab-eadjr reached the sum of $49,000,000. Of this sum over 10,000,000 pet ^imium is due for interest from Maximilian to France. The following is a comparative statement of the legitimate foreign debt of Mexico, as recognized by the constitutional government of the republic, with the annual expenditures as established by act of Con- gvees, August 16, 1861, and the debt which the French interventioti i^eeks to impose upon the country, and the annual expenditures undei tke so*callod government of Maximilian : FOREIGN DEBT AB KSCOGmZED BY THE CONsTrttTttOKAIi OOtBRNHSNT IN 186B; To Sngliah Smbj9tt9. Fnnded Debt— Debt coutracted in London, £10,241,600, fntefeflt 8 per cent, a $6 per pound $01,2C8,t50 Snglish conTenddQ debt, interest 6 per cent 4,116,000 Pending Claims— - ^ B«ck interest nnpaid. and other acknowledged claims 13,931,790 Farions reclamations 0M,01§ -Total doe English aabjects Jane 30, l«6d $60,811,6fif T0 Spanish Subfe€U. Fanded Debt— • Admitted convention debt, interest 3 per cent ...$4,{0ft.4n Additional amoant in dHiipate, interest 8 per cent %4S!tM^ . . $G,€CI8f4n' PrnditifT Claims- Back interest unpaid and other acknowledged claims l,049,fi6O VAfiousxeclamativoa.wr «... 1,278,000 Total due Spanish subjects June 30, 1S62 ; $9,400^^9 To Fnnch Subjects, ,. *;;, ftaidedDebt— ' ILl Balance of convention debt . $llM)!,t)0(T Fndlnfg Chilma— . ^... To Juan B. Jecker, for capital expended in Ills scandalous chiiin, and interest. ..... 1,984,000 Other claims ; ; , ; , ■...::..... .'. .*. ^,9i;^ •' "•■ Total debt due to French subjects .'. $«,S59.91T BKCAPirrLATIOH. I "Debt due to English subjects: : $09,811,858 Debt due to Spnnish subjects ; 9.460,980 D^bt due to French subjects «,859,91T n^ ♦-. i Total foreijni debt as recognized in 1802 ' .ti . . $81,032,18 J • ANI^UAL INTBKEST. '. * i, Detk. ^4irCont. /niarMii (^ debt contracted in London $51,20S,250 3 $1,630.«4T On Kugiiah convention debt 4,JiT6,000 « 2*J-S2S On other Englbh claims, if capitalized 13,928.4or 3 ?il»gi SSpanli-h convention debt.... , 8.638 4« 3 ^2?'ffit On other Spanish chiiinf. If cnpltallBed 2,827,083 3 84,»M^ 9n French claims, if capitalized 2,859,917 • 171,»9» '.total debt..... ;;..:...; !$91.882,680 .' ',/ ' ' Total hi terest to English creditors ...'..; $8,304, 199 V, Total Inierest to Spanish creditors ,...,...., -.. ^fp *. . Total interest to French creditors ..*. ■'^'^.™ ,: v.". ... ■ ,,ToUlaonuaUaterest,...-.; .- ,$2,760,021 :.j JJinit7AIi fnCPBNOITUIlBS OF THE GOyBiUOfBHiF OF T^BB SEP^BUC, AS BSltiJI^ LISHBD BY LA.W OF COSORESS AUGUST 16, 1881. .,j. : IntereJit on t^e foreign 'debt. ...., ;:;;Av;«f^^^'^** t ' For foreign relations, h $«0.340' '■ ' For home d»p«rtmenU w...^- r}»*?$'2S • -i. For finance > 1.613,624 .. Forwar -^ *...'.*,746»39»-a8J7i41 8' Total annual erpenflfitures of the national goteffamient $11,087,483 • "|V The interior debt 6f IJexico has been entirely ertlngmshed bf 'ttji^dk 54 - y . l^|fi;CIC 0^ 4NP THE:. . . INBIBT WHICH THE FRENCH INTWlYKSmON 8BBK8 TO nCPOSE UPON MEZXOO. lodebtedDMs acknowledged to France bv Maximilian for the expeniies of the inter- ytntUxatoJtajUlM*, STO,000,«)0 (hoica, or $0>^M10,9ii^ Napoleon, they will certainly never fifiatisfv tfce 'mass 6f sertWftIi* jiieri;'/ '.'•;" ^ ^ " '• ' i ■.-■/''!''* '^- As regards thfe proniise to put a speedy end to the expedition, 'It ftill* pfobaWy betenewed in '67, as it was; in '65 and *G6. Fo^h^W ttahy y^ars vrlft this continue? Thifr is what can onfly b^ judg^"bf by referring to the occupation of Rome. In any case, I will sbc^ tttlit, at this^ ra6nifent, and m spite of the official declarati6"fts ^of Louis U'apoleon, Jule»Fatre felt no faith. •' ' ' '■• ■ The letter 6f the 23d of July, tO' General Forey, shbuld'^dify'iifi^hg to the sincerity of the Napoleonic good wishes ibi* thte great AmericBli •ifepublic and the f ran knj^^* of the declarations of the' FVench ^6v^rii- iW6ttt.' If the reader suffers himself to be caught thereby, aftir th* various testamonies which I have placed before his eyes, the old =pN** verb could be justly applied to him : " None so deaf as he who won't hear.-' On the 10th of February, the discussion of paragraph 7, ot* « © 1, J, •; M,R liX^I.' O V. .M V T 1 jO N H . ^, the addresH reisitive to Metica^' 43Mne ioto the order of theday^ Htill^ Senate. .1) This paragraph is as follows : i' *' Your M^esty had auneuiiced that this memorable Mexic:iD ,expe- •dition is drawing to a close, and that you have come to an understxm^ ing with £inperor liiaximiMan to determine the peiiod for recalling ^ iiK)ops. That is to say, to ^fitisfy France that the protection of her commercial interests wiU be 8ecm>ed i^pon that vast and lich ma^*keji» restored, by our intervention, to secmity. '^ As for the United States, if, through a misunderstanding,; the presence of the French flag upon the American coutiloent appears to 4hem. less well-timed than at another period of their veiy illusti'ious iiktory, -the iirmcommutiiGations of our goveinment h{ive shown ^h|^ Jt is not hatlghty axid thi'eateniiig words which will determine oip* jfei turn. France is accustomed to march only when it suit^/ her. [V^iy well said:!] But she loves, to remember! hev pld friendship fo^ the 4Jnited fitotes. What you ask of them is neutrality and the right- of nations. Through this, they will qu^okly see that a wm' undertake^- ya 4tie-so-oflen declai-ed 4iim of protoeting .our natives against a gQv T^hese. words .wei*e • certanily any t hind but flattering to us, aad: de- •tfidedly bear the stamp of deii^v^ce. .Nevertheless, they did i|ot yf^ satisfy Marshal JlWeyy.who takes up the. word against tiieiivadoptiioip, -What, this nnintetii^nt waiiior wishes, is a continuation ^fthe ^tni^gle of the oiccnpatiou^ and the aeoding out of fresh, troops.' Thft Aew Marshal waj^ adquainted with^ .hm' master's secret thoughts, a^^ wished topayy in^dattery, for U^.haUr^de'mcn'echal which he hlis nUt Jbeen ableto pay.£6t in* victory: : What does it raattei:, that ^\^ Qitnis- «er disava\^ hinir before tlie, Senate ? Louis Napoleoin apprpvf 5| ofAlwH in a second letter, worthy pendant to that qi.l862 : .' ;: ,.j <^M;t>j ^Letitniotbef thought that the goyei'tipaeut whiijh w!0 ba^e, .over- thrown in MeKico, wa^maintaiiie4 by the* sympathies of- the poj^^r tion; no,iit imaintaixied ttcelf by the fear which it inspired.) ti^i» i^S\yf)^ •it has been suiHcient, in order to bi^at itt.down, that. our flag shouldir)^ there, which, acoordingto the Elraperor!8 bc^mtiful e^pros»ion, levei'y- wheve^Tspresents tibe cause of nations and of civilij^^tion. ■ \ .; : t ^'Ono^dGiivei*ed:&*om Thus . according: to Ma^Jial Foaey j|t«- wellifi^^aQCfordj^ to Mii^ aieur^ de -L'huyv^ Maximilian and Napoleon^ j the M^xicaii empire, iak^ that); of. .'France,' : lyas. founded Jjy.tlif peopWfr :d^ire-,,Sr Knc^ 'is then.casfe( .^sbow; ;as ;the />Z<^«c^247H> which :;£bund^. th^ em^irp, let us knowrlts date and text» in order tha^ (We ipay he able^t^ '«ee the' number .ofr-thjewoleB.' Yon talk. of tlje ;fite6embly;0f iotppii^ faen without any* legaV mandaite. Wh^ia thati' Mei^ly isojiate^i me^ prononciamentos, without any legal organization. But a regular |?/|jf^i^ Aim is what we. defy *you to show? You ai*e a gpyeifsiment i^^jf^t, Asnooessful atit^ihpt, pro-^empow^ like* fthat of,th^ 2d,<)f Pe^ijaW'Tm AOthing-HEioraNAiidif tho»e popuiatioAs, op^esaed Uy.Jfififes^d^^^t^ftT Mored to'li^ny by ymw why dOijr^t feioti witb^^J^riyour^ b«iyP»V&t9>,Ail 68^ ^ ' M * X I' C O , Jt^l^lJ • » J* Jl i • " Of del* to suffer them to enjoy your betiefactk)ti^ in peac« while blessin'g- their authors ? To this Marshal Forey replies : ♦^According to my views, thei*e would be greater peril in recalling dar troops immediately. The £mpetor has dedared that we went ti> Mexico as a safeguard to French interests, ^nd to defend otti- natives. '<' Well, then ! if our Mexican arniy was Recalled, all the French wotild be obliged to retuni with it?, or they would be the victims of far worse violence than we have already witnessed. * "In fine, if we have the interests of our natives to defend, there are still others which we should protect. '•'^^ Is it not our duty to protect those populations which received us wit*h open- arms, who cried out : * Long live Maximilian.' " Is not our honor involved in this 1 I know that it may be .said ; They shouted 'Long live Maximilian I' let them susliain him, then. ** But let it be remembered, that they have, as yet, no confidence in their own sti^gth, that they have been demoralized by the authorities which oppress them and take advantage of them. They must be al- lowed time to take coui-age and gain ^^ngth ; our suppoil must be continued ; we must aid them to sustaiflFthe power they have placed over themselves. ^'France does not wish to incur the reproach of not having compre- hended the great idea of the Emperor ; she will not wish to leave these unfortunate populations to the fury of their fonner oppressors. " At the first news of our retreat, the abettors of discord will re- awaken, the banditti, who ai*e now put to flight, will rally around the flag of Juai*ee, and the Mexicans themselves will have to suffer from those barbarous hordes who have shown what they are in atrocity.'* In Marshal Forey's eyes, the defenders of Paebla only lought (iirough feal' ; had they been suffered to be ft*ee they would all have come to the liberating army. ^ At Puebla they would have deserted in a mass, had they not been imoeasingly watched by their chiefs, who obli^d them to fight by abutting them up in churches and convents without leaving them any isstfe ; the same was the case at Oajaca. ^^ Let not the army of Juarez be called a nationiEd army." General Lorencez might give precious informatian in this regard. During all time, the military of France have been considered the first in their profession, and the last in every thing else. ^. The Mar- shal certainly thought he would form an exception to this rule, and pi*©- thice an argument without r^ly, in the following paragraph : '^It is not my place to treat Uie question of tiie reladoiis between S*rance and the United States. But, it is permitted me to say that I have too much esteem for the great American Republic, to beiieTe that it would prefer to see in Mexico a republic formed of despoilers Ittid of banditti^ in place of a monarchy formed of honest men^ and founded upon the principles of civilization* {Approbation from some •benches.]"- .* . The propositiofi might, uhrigueur be discussed, after having an understan^ng hdwever, as to the value of words. What are honest mtot'^^In 1846, I remember the honest and: mddetrate men of the ' de'Pokkrs. Bonaparte and Republicans were the despoilers and I BOLl1^jLB;\9t OF • M'A T pollers and banditti. Marshal: Forey, consequently, will agr^ that the signification of the words ** honest men " varies according to con- tinents and times, and that in his speech he confounds America and Europe ; a mere geographical error ! And, an in all things a couclus* ion is necessary, the illustrious Marshal concludes thus : '* New troops must perhaps be sent to Mexico. [Munnurs.] Those now tJnere must, at all events, be kept there. Some fresh sacrifices id money must be made. [Murmurs.] ** It was said once, that France was rich enough to pay for her gloiy ; will it not then be a glorious thing for us not to leave nnfinlsb- ed that task which we have undertaken upon distant shores? ** Money, certainly, has its importance. [A noise.] But, for the eake of a sum of money, must the success of this enteiprise, based upon a great idea of the Emperor, be compromised 1 No, gentlemeiiy this ought not to bel And this is why France applauded iihe sover- eign's language, this is why it will associate itself with the sentinmotS' wMch your plan of address so proudly^sets forth. [A few voidest Very well said !] " The Minister of State—" The Senate understands that it is not my intention to reply to the honorable Marshal's discourse. He has b^ sides taken care to show, that he only spoke under the impression of personal opinion. ^^ As for the opinion of the government it has not been modified hr the words you have just heard. It remains, sooh as it was, set forAt in the speech fi*om tne throne and in the paragraph of the address that you are called to vote." [General mark erf approbation.] Paragraph 7 is put to vote and adopted. The Benator-^Seeretary reads paragraph 8, with reference to the United States. It is put to vote and adopted. The Emperor made haste to write a private letter of approbation to the Marshall, in c»*der to destroy, with regard to the army, the disafs^ reus impression, made by his official disavowal. Ho even went fiuw ther, and replied to the vote of address by these words : <• "Senators, " The address of the Senate is an eloquent comment*- ary upon my H>eech ; it develops what I have only indicated; it eab^ plains all that I wished. to oause to be comprehended." Then, there again, besides the osten^le text, there was as in the* Convention of the 31 at of October, a seecet thought, a thought whidb. had -only beeii indicated^ which the Senate understood, and npan which its speech was an ^* eloquent commentary." Now, this though^ to judge from Forey's speech and the applause of the Senate, ii^eoi^ tmned iu, this phrase : " The firm oommtmications of your govci-nment have shown. that itas not lofbyund threatening wor^ which will jle» terBiine our rttum. Fraaoe. ie in the habit of^marahing only aiknr olm houry [Lively applause.] \ .^ Arid that hour a()p€ar8 not to have iMrived, a few weok^ ago^;! lor reinforcements were sent to Mexico, . instead of troops being re- •oaned.. : . ^ - It is trae that if the Senate of I*Vancei-K)f: which the ' members^ thanks to their age^ or their j&iriction8, have a right, to the indnlgenof; ^f maii*-«eems to have lost its memory and perception, the Legisla- tive House, which ia younger, has «l^arer judgment^ apparently^ as to the preaent and the^ future. Its phm; of address is conceived ds follows : : > i ^'Our expedition to Mexico is drawing tola close. The country hali received this assurance iwith satisfaction. Led into Mexico by the im^ perative duty of protecting our natives against odious violenoeVand pursuing the redress of only two }egitmate. griefs^ our aoldiera and saiU ors have worthily fulfilled r the task jthat jfeur Majesty confided to ^thfeir devotion. This expedition has onoe' mote shown, in a foreign ootintry, the power and disinterestedness of France. [Very well, said I] The people of the United States^ who .have long known the loyalty of •cm* policy, iind the sympathy wMoh it feds as of old^ has no eau^e to itake- exception. at die presence of oiir tvocp. < Poop mern ! if' we oaiFiied' on a^ariff > Hvanr. upon the i)eople of Fi-anee, the true, the only people, those who produce, and whom yoiil' grind 4own, would fo^e you to quickeniyourpii^, andhastien tkatof^JjCmis liapoleon, whatever niiay be his neuiil liabitsiatid:^oari ^ "BeiAdesr, the Mrithdi-awing of the ^troops^ amazed Isy Louis Naj^oleoif 'imdhis'^^VL ernment, only rests upon. his wordJ 'Thei*e is'ndt a being, howovet innocent, who, with the history of the* last eighteen yeavs in hand, -cdn fell to know how muoh^th^ia worths Shttllwebe more coiifid- ing than Jules Favre? His speech, during the session of t^e 3 3th bt* June, to the Legislative Corps, is as follows: ' ' ' '• •• • ; '. * ^^The'goyernmentiias, neve^lii^esa, been unde^ the»'pBinftil^necess- 4ty of accepting this •document 'tod of dedaring, in presenbeof tM^ injunctions lit. contains, that wb dc^ht to !qnit iiexioov' And, at %h% last moment, : there. have beeii sudden revelatioos, nnexi^otcdyy mad^ as to this Mexican question, w^hich light up the enserMsroi the situa- tion, and cause, il) to assume a very; different aspect from that given it beretotdre.. ImiBfiect, sinoe ihe.einped^tion began, it h^ been uneees- ingly predicted, not only that our ratfnis- would: siicceed, biit that ith^ entorpiise vwould he sucoBssiUl in a political- pbitit* oi' view.- If ithe sadbosien lofit^e House has )be«»iiobtained, it has' beeh' becanse it hai) oievor been told the: tamthi . [idtenkptiou^] I;do not wish to imdertaike; .with: regacd to. this matter; an. exaiaonation^ which I have idec^lat^ iU •timed. •■' "r- .:j, ..•■[',!•: •■* ■ ■•• ■-''•:;< :: •• ? •!•• "^ i^^It wiU oome in on aab!tl)sr:.oocafdon/ ' I content Dnytel^ t^dajr 4vkh ioterrogatinig facta, such .av oifieiaiidecila^ ■ftito)s.;which:«hr'«8vli4)eiiii.dux|ainiited witl^ sofVM fvQt pMt^ i^tfd Vi^h 15 go back to last year. At this period, it was naid m auswer t^ our reproaches, that the policy which we attacked was superior to ooi* own views. The fairest gem of the crown of the Empire was to be tUs expedition. The star of France- was to radiate over the AmciioarTf continent History was one day Ijo say : "It was a man of genius who, in spite of resistance, obstacles and hesitations, had the courage tx) open a new source of prosperity to the nation of which he was the- ano p& to show himself too exacting toward a creditor who is in an .alarming state. He adds that any new appeal to the credit would be fruitless, that we cannot take to our exclusive account the expenses of the Mexican government, provide by our army for itSfflefense, and by our finances for its administrative services. Thus, in place of the con- .ourrence which we had a right to expect from Emperor Maximilian, 400,000,000 of French money have been swallowed up by this ruin- ous sovereignty, which we have been obliged to sustain by our blood, and which still asks us to pay for its army and internal administration, undei* penalty of 'vanishing into thin air I' '*A dispatch of the 15th of January, 1866, says tliat the Convention of Miramar has been torn to pieces. By whom? By Emperor Max- imilian himself Thus this man, who9e imperial probity (as well as his titjal solidity) were vaunted, breaks his word f ' It would be super- la,' say a. the same dispatch, * to seek to-day, for the causes of ^ sit- AOLJtRARiTT OP, lfA1)lON8. ^1^ 'uation that my duty aloiio obliges me to speak of/ And yre also saic^ the same things, and when we said them you iuteriiipted us wiUi your mucmm*8. Now you listen to them beoause it is the miaistei* wlio says them, for the minister has come to us. [Interruption.] .*' Public opinion has declared itself and it is fortui^^ ^that it is en- lightened, for yon would still takje millions from us to throw them aw&y in foreign parts!" [Prolonged interruption.] Numerous voioefr^" Ordei*, oitjpr ! Such language cannot be toler- ated!" ' Count CaflSirelli — " The Legislative Coi-pa is not to be thus insulted.'? President Walewski — *' Monsieur Jules Favre, you give way to ac- cusations that are to be regretted, and you choose a bad moment: for making them, as you attest the frankness of the government yourself by the quotations which you make from its own documents.'* [Lively ^applause.] Monsieur Glais-Bizoin — "That frankness is entorced now." [Npise.] . Monsieur Jules Favre — " These tilings are not new ; this embaxiiigf- ment has long been known, and the situation ha^ been undei-stood to he bad for a long time. It dates from the period of the loans, through which it was hoped to provide for it ; and it was in tfie interest of these loans that the seductive pictures to which I have alluded were placed before the country. Except there was blindness, it was imposr fdble not to see that we would have to struggle in Mexico .ogaiiist inex- tricable dijBSiCulties. I know not what secret de^ns must h^ve existed to cause a veil to be thrown over the truth. It was, in aeality, a money affair, into which our country was to be dragged, and it is the gold of France that was to be obtained. [Fresh interruption,] The Honor- able M. Corta has said : ^ What is necessary for the regeneration of Mexico 1 A regular government and time.' '^ And he represented Maximilian appealing to the Indians of Mexico like the promised man from t)ie East, the man with golden hair and azure eyes, who was to be welcomed like a libemtor. [Laughter around the orator.] He said that the budget of Mexico, such as it was offered to the Council of State, only amounted to 150,000,000, including the service of the debt. And the minister of state, adding the authority of his own word to the testimony of our colleague, said : ' Did not the speech of M. Corta determine the House?' And you, gentlemen, who do not know Mexico, exclaimed, •* Yes, yes!' *I>o not be^xious,' continued the minister of state.' Scarcely a year has passed — we now see a complete change of scena Instead of a prince disposing of a flourishing budget, we only see a prince obliged to ask for help. I will say no more." A voice — '' What more have you to say." Monsieur Jules Favre— ^^ Let the dispatch of tae loth of Janm^ from the minister of foreign affairs be compared with the words by which it was sought to facilitate the loans to Mexico. You told, i^ then that we ran no risk, and, by your own avowal, we find yoi^ ^ now in presence of an empty treasury, of an unpaid army, of an ad- ministi^ation which is giving. way under the insolvency of ita, mon- arch, who has been lauded by you. [Fresh interruption.] '"With energy and courage, with a firm and well-sustained will,' said the minister of foreign affairs, ' the. Mexican empire can triuniiijli ^ref the difficnhnes which it eneoanters upon its wayf hot Huoco«i int My. to be had at that price.'. >• Ih presence of a situation Bttch as is u*nveiled ta us^ in such a rem*^ edy sufficient? ' .' .' ' " The goveiniinent now desires the^ rettirn of our tPO(^ ; we ali^o de- f&re it, and' mor^ than t*ie government does y bnt wo'do.not ^ink the* mode of withdrawal which it hits adoi)ted is good, ani wehav^e beon ftb greJitJy deceived that we are still distrustful' [Noise:} ** 'The evacuation,' says the minister of foreign affairs, in a dispatdk to Mr. Sewartl, dated 6th of April, 1866, Ms- to be effected irf three de- tachments: the first in November, 1866i the secott^* in March, 18l>7, and- the third in November oftlvesame year.' ^ • ' "^The resolution to depart is Excellent, without doubt — ^it can only be" approved; but what may it not be perhiifttted to doUbt when there/ cent publications of the 3/c>;«76?ur are considered? • ;. "Let it be as it may. when the sitn«fcloniihall be comijletely fp86, a definitive debate should take place in this circle,- T^iere our hon^iiabh* (jOhti'adictors'will hear something veiy differertt." » , , . ..< Monsieur Qranier *de Cassaghao — *' We^ wfll hear ai>d reply." ' • • i ' Monsieur Jules Favre-i—** For the presisrit I merely borrow one mom 'passage from the bulletins capriciously reproduced by the Moniieur in that of the 9th of Juhe, 1866. According to this buitetiti^-^he Itet w^ jiave — the Mexican General Mendea^is ei^rying on his operations upon the MichoatJan, and Isverytbihg causes hopes to bo entertained thiathe . ivill succeed in restoring iranquility in that' province. Marshal Bazaine id brip^ing.Genei'al Aymard-s and Colohel Olinchant^s oolumos toward ^thfe north. • General .Douay is opei*ating upon anothef point. Qui* irobps, th^h, are not withdrawing, they are falling back. [Exdambi- tions,] Only those unacquainted with M)dxieo could say that to se&d 'troops loward the north, is to direct them tipon Mexico, and Vera jCruz. ^Vhat, then, is the interest at stake, and M'hy these new expe- Editions ? Is it in favor of a prince discredited by you,* and whom y«a ^deciai-e that you no longer wish tio •sustain.! That is tlie questiotn '-^hich I address to the minister of state.?' > - . '•'i ■•■■ ■ 0-HAl*TEU :Xi..- :^ :. ■ ■ ■' . ■1 .■•■•'•• ' ■ ■ ■: .. • , .......... ,, ■ .:j DIPLOMATIC COmtESPONDENCK. *" '«=.,::'. The dipolmatic correspondence exdhanged •'between- Mooaieur "IWtjuyk de I/huys arid Mi\ Seward from the 6th oi I>o(^ri>ber, 1865, to tSiejliloTfith 'fcf Februaiy, 1866, has not, in ^nly eyes, that impbiktance ittkched to it generafiy*. ' If, on the side o<;7France, lioais/l&fioleon ^^totdf hi» minister can, wi^oot consulting the -country, speak and; act ia "its name, eveh'against its wishes and iiiterestS) the same isf «6t the "case in America ; and even were' Mr. Johtigbti and Mk Sewatad !di»- ^l^Qsedto hold the dignhy, iriterefets and will- ctfthd- American nation (I,.* Ser^rnl letters from Mr. Seward, haYlag boen reoeived from VtAnc**. fti French,, may. hariDr Men trdtl^Inted. dlAr »« \q the dn^Iii^ up, but not to the Ma«o^ SOLIDARITT OF NATIONS. 65 cheaply, there is a Congress and there are elections, to call them back to the obedience and fidelity which ereiy servant Owes to his employer! f M(H*e than this, if Mr. Seward found in the recourses of his imagi^^i^" tion a fertile resoui-ce — the means ot momentarily directing the attWj tidn of the public froin their true interests, in three yeara the pec^lot would ^end other men, to cause another policy to prevail, and while Mr. Seward would wash his hands of the matter. The French govemmbnt'' would find itself to bo contending with the same difficulties in. kn* 4iggravated form. : i.« It is with the national feeling, therefore, that Louis Napoleon bf obliged to treat ; and Mr. Seward is only the letter-box of the Att^ri^ •can nation. . . . ' . ,: . ../i' On the Cth of December,' 1865, Mr, Seward communicates to Jfou-, sieur Montholon a dispatch, sent to our minister to Paris, iu reply to that of the 20th of November, from the minister of France. Tlifefot^ lowing passage occujr^ in it: i . , '[' "■' " The views of the Emperor may, t think, be suinnied up as follows : if "Ffancfe is fully, disposed to evacuate Mexico as soon as possible,: bui cannqt do 80 with propiief y without having ;:eceive(J- tho a^surai^ce of Be^ti^lents fi tQlera«ce, if not of friendship, on the part of the tJmted States tbwarda the eiiij)ire'bf Mex,- ico. ' . While thanking His "mj^dy' 3^)3* liis kind feelings, the President itgrtets' 'l^' say ittat he coiifeidttps the' Emperor's d«matidr as jetftirely impraoUcfkble." ;..!:: Firt*ther on :• ' Z^''''-' ' " '. ' ,' ,"' ''''':/''''■'' * The true reason for the 9emoilsthit!bii of the United States in', that i)y inj^ ding Mexico, the French army attacks a republican govemmettt, profoundly :fly4(|4 patjetijc to the United. States, and cjiosen by the nation^ and replaces it by a monarchj, which, so long as it' exists, will be regarded as 'a threiu to ouir own republican institutions." ' After .having declared that the tThited States do not Avis]i to m'ayi any republican propaganda in Europe, and that, i.n consequence, thejr have a right to demand that Europe shall not come to make any mou-' archial propaganda in America, Mr. Sewaird concludes thus : " After having thus frankly exposed our situation, I leflivo the question to I3i& judgment of Fra,iice, and am convinced that gire^t n^ijioQ will find it to be com: patible with its Honor and interests to withdraw its troops from Mexico, with ti suitable delay, aad to leave the Mexicans to .the free enjoyment of the republican- government which they had chosen themselves, and to which, in our opinion, tidjr" had given decisive and touphing proofs of attachment." " The dispatch of .tkq. ICth of December^ frcjm the same to the ^diae, constitutionally establishes the ground .of the debate. ' " The executive de^^rtment of this government ia not. the only one ih&i is interested in the question of knowiiig whether the present state of afikirs is to cbntinne in Mexico. This interest is nationnl also, and at all events the OoMre$8 HOW sitting is authorized by the Constitution to direct, bp^a law, the action, or tlie United States on this important question/' . w Thus it is for Qongress to' deterrfrine, by a hv^, that policy which the United States will follow in this questioii. * Mr. Seward, nevertheless,' continues to expose the views of the Attieirican, pebpfe with firmness and dignity. f ^ ■ , " The President's design was to inform France respectfully, fij^t, that the Uniteft States warmly desire to continue to cultivate relations of feintere. friendship wlttt France ; secondly, that this policy Would be t)laced in immineni danger if FraAcd looked upon it as inconipatible "wdth her interests and honor- to renounce the cdn^ thiuation of an iarined intervention in Mexico, an intervention intended to over- throw the republican gdvernmen't clisting the!re,; and to establish upon its miUft 66 MEXIGOyANDTHK t)iftt fbteiga moniLrchj: which an attranpt has been made to huraguiate at the cap- ital of the conntpjr, " In reply to this exp%Uion of our views. Monsieur Droiqrn de Lhuvs has jfiadethesac-gestion to you that the govemnient of the United States might per- hap^ &tor the desire expressed by the Emperor to withdraw ihmi Mesioo, bj giving him stole formal assurance that, in case he recalls his troops, the Wasbingr. twa.cSkbinet would reop^ize Maximilian in Mexioo, as being, d^ facto, a politick power. • . " My desire, in dDiwing up dispatch Number 800, was to express, in the name of the United States, the opmion that this idea of recognition thus suggested by itid Ehnpeior could not be accepted, and to expose, as an explanation, we motires Upon WAich this decision is founded. I have weighed, with care, the arguiia^its against this decision which have been presented to you by Monkeur Drouyn de ImuyB in the interview which has been spoken of, and I find no suffident reasons for modifying the vieWs expressed by the United States. •* Hie only thing /now remaining to be done, is to inform MonsieuiEPioayn de Lhuys, of my profound recrot that, in a conversation with you, he should have left the subject in a condition which does not, in the least, allow us to hope for the conclusion of a satisfactory agreement upon any of the foundations ^mich have been presented up to the present time. I am, etc., ' - John Bigelow, Esquire. W. H. SEWARD," While Mr. Seward's correspondence reveals, in what I have quoted, that moderation, firmness, and dignity which are suited to a nation free, strong, and capable of patting a miliion-and-a-half of men afoot when it wishes, that of Monsieur de Lhuys, as we shall see, is arrqgant and hypocritical, and hides impotence under verbiage, having recourse to fetoehood to avoid apology. THB MTNISTBR OF FC||tEIGK AFPAmS TO THE MINISTEB OF FBAHCB, IN W A.8HINOTON- Pabis, December 26, 1805. Mt I^ORD Mabquis — 1 have read with interest the message that His Eiccellency, fif€ttident Johnson, has addressed to the United States Congress; and'of which ybu have sent me a copy. My attrition has been more especially directed to thoee parts of that document which might relate to the questionB interesting, at onoe^ to the cabinet of Washington and our own. Mr. Johnson, in a passage which, ieenu to aUttde to our expedition to Mexico, gives himself up to considerations (wMch it is not befitting for me to discuss here,) upon the vicissitudes of monarchial and republican institutions in the two hemispheres. I would simx^y observe to you that the pursuit of the redress of our griefis against Mexico has no connection, in that country, with the question of its form of government, no* could it depend upon a geographical question." Whoever is not acquainted with ihQ fineases of the French language would pass by the following phrase without remark : " Mt. Johnsouy in a passage which seems to allude to our expedition to Mexico, gives him- ielf up to considerations tohich it is not hefitling that I should discuss heref' Ac. But, to a Frenchman, or in the eyes of any man familiar with the language, or the habits of French society, the President of the United States is treated as the Marquis formeriy treated the eroquantspar dessous lajambe. Neither Mr. Bigelow, nor Mr. Seward 18 capable of understanding the scornful irony of this language. Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys continues: " If, at the moment when we exact for our natives just reparation, the polver which refusad it to us had been a m^inarchy, that circumstance would certainly not have prevented us &om dainoing our right, and whatever part of the world that nation had inhabited, which had iiyured French interests, the protection of the Bmpcror, due to all his subjects, would have been legitimately extended ; in like manner, I cannot think that the first magistrate of the United States can have had the intention to awakea doubt as to ideas so evident." All that precedes was written for France ; what follows is addressed S O I- I U A K I T Y O V NATIONS. ^* tl) the United States. Aftet* the rhotx)mpntade coriies the shi^kiiig ' "The same p^ssaffe of the Presidehtial . manifesto speaks of "provoicatloii,?' which woiild oblige the American nati(^ to defend republiotoism agaanert foM|ffa' interrention. JLt speaJkSiOf * deedgus hostile to the United States/ and finally .of. ''digression on the i>art of European powers." We cannot feel that these cfxpoCsprt sions touch us, for they in nowise apply to the policy ^e have followed. It yrpuld be superfluous to remind you that (he feeUngs of eonstdnt friendshtp shown hyth4 Emperor toward the UnUed Biates exclude every hypothesis of a pirovwatiori ot' aggression on our part. As lor threatening the form of government whfdi that Qoontry has bestowed upon itseU^ and whichFrance itself contributed in founding; at t)ie cost of its blood, nothing can be more foreign than such an enterpiriseitb tradition and the principles of the imperial govemmout." The iiiiniBter of France is jesting, of course, when, he speaks. of its being superfluous to recall the sentimehta (^ couatantfi^ndehip shown Inf. the Emperor toward the United States, Ac^ &c. Nothing indeed cotdd be more superfluous^ after the letter of the 2dd July to General Forey^- tumiog the Southern revolt to account,' in order to establish a Mexicafi monarchy for the purpose of "holding tlie American republic in ch^eik.** Nothing could be more superfluons after the recognition of the South as belligerent. ' ^ Nothing could be more superfliMU8,:a^r the reception given to the\ Southern pirates intbe French ports, and the manifest detection granted to Mr. Armand's inon-clad vessels. . ' I.. Nothing could be more superfluous, after the reiterated attempts of Louis Napoleon to draw England into a coalition with France in' favor of the South: Yes, the French people, in its healthy portion, have remalined fsa^ •ful to the traditions of friendship with our fatherSj^ but Lonis Nipoleon'4 whole desire is to succeed f n Jdisseveiipg and ruimng-r-l)y disunion^ the present and future strength of our great American RepubliCi thei^ sole hope of nations and of liberty in' this wprid. England furnished the money and privateers, it is true, but she refused to engage her political action,, ana paralyzed the bad intentioas of the French government. My Qwn conviction is Uiat the gooid fiixe. did us exceeds the evils which she caused us. I do not thank hei' fot this, but between Palraerston and Louis Napoleon all my hatred, as im American, is toward the latter. In his reply to Mr. Seward's letter, dated 9th January, 1866, Mon* sieur Drouyn de Lhuys continues the same mode of ai*guikientation, the same series of affirmations and denials, in complete opposition to truth, as is shown by ajaterior documents, which I have reproduced in the course of this pamphlet. His agm repeats that the blood of Fraace flowed to establish the American Bepub^c, but he takes care not tt^ add that it is not his fault if it has not flowed anew to destroy it. Napoleon III is, like Napoleon I, th^ heir to the glorious souvenirg; of France. There is not one which he wishesto repudiate, except thai* of libei-ty, which has become ttseless, and is admitted to be dangerous. As a final proof of the ardent love of his master for the American Republic, liouher exclaims : *^ Have we not maintained neutrality in the great etisis through whieh the : United States has passed r Without England, it is not at all probable that yoa would havd maintained it Are there not besides certain prindples of pabB6 mo- 6B MEXICO^ AND T 11 K k J ■ ./'..- • ■ ' ' • r^W, which interdict governments from causiug theii* people to fight at'tne'willof theii* caprice, affection or interest, under penalty of being placed under the ban of nations, as private morality interdicts the indi- yji^insX from transfonning himself intq 'a cut-throat, under penalty of being placed under the ban of society ? Is it a 'title to giatitude not to; beii criminal? /' ''Farther oii^ the overthrow of the Republic is attributed to the par- ti«w^ of tb^;.monarchy, who are iiumerous in Mexico. -^•'We did nbt think it right to dkeourage this last effort of a powerful party, the' origin of which was anterior to our expedition ; hut, fiedthfol to the maxims of pnliSo right which are ours in common with the United States, we declared* that this question depended exdnsiYely upon the votes of the Mexican people.'* -What can be said then of General Prim's letter to Admiral 'Jurien ie la Graviere, and that of Louis Napoleon f "The Mexican people have de His government appeared to he of a nature to hrin^ hack pea«e into t^^ interior and goo^ faath into intem^tional relations. We granted it auft supp^rt'f .Where is the plebim>itumf If the « Mexican nation really decided thus, ishow ua the Tegular plebi&nttm^ ^^ Without a fMn&dtum thiere is no freely expressed national will. There are coteries, conspiracies,. ptHmuncmm/erUm^ cxxaiea — nothing, more. > I After haviag affirmed, without piroving, the accordance of the nation-^ al will with the restoration of monarchy, the French minister risks a oanning invitation to x^cogniise the government of MaMmilian as • fche piice of ithe withdram^al of. the French troops. . / " As we neither seek an exclusive interest, nor the realization of any ambitious th(C)iight6, ou)r ipkos^ sinpere wisUi^ tc^jlasjlien, asifar as poBsible, that moment when we*?Euay, with security to our native, ^nd di^ty as regards ouf3elves, i^ecaJi • what remains in Jtfekico of the cairps al ofmc^ whicn we" sent there. As I toldyou iA'the dispatch to which' the comiatinication of Mr. Seward replies, it depen)d8 iu»n tM FedfratgiMrmMjU toJMXtM, in that regent, the O/tcompMimetit i>f the desire wTUch it exfpreuee to u^* Aa' t^e dootiine' of thq United States lepoeeb, «s well afi ours, upon tl^ pi^ciple of ,th^ national vnH, there is notUng incompati- ble with th6 existence of moAarchiM instilutions ; aind President Johnson, ; in his message; 15ke Mr. Seward in .hi? dite^irtch, repulses all idea of prcpaganaa, even updn file America* continent, infitMT ofrepubUcaninetitutiom. The Cabinet of Washin^cm miaintains 'friendji7;rfeklatian8 with the ^ort of Brazil, and did not re^l^Lse to enter into ;relations with th^^ Mexicfui empire in 182!^. No fi^damental maxim, no precedent in the diplomatic history of the TJnion, therefore, creates any necessary antagonism between the United States and the regime, which, in Mexico, has taken the place of a power that had continually and systematically violated its most poflitave obligations towards other nations." - Because-^reiy vrongfully, in nay opinion-^^-we do not wish to make republican propaganda, it does not follow that yre ai-e to tolerate mooarohial propaganda. As for Brazil, it is further from us than even Europe, while Mexico is upon our frontiers 5 and if, in 1822, it suited us to have relations with a Mexicaik: monhrch, in 1 866 it no longer smis us to do so. Between the two periods, and the two situations, there lies the same difierence that' exists between an enforced situation and an independent <^ii^ between ihat of 18©2 and 1866, between, the' be- ginning of the Mexican 'expedition and its coholusibbl " As for the support the Mexican government reoeoresfrom our army, and that siven also/bj' the Ansttian and Belgian volunteers, it does no injury, either to the hidependence of its resolutions or the perfect freedom of its acts. Where i$ the SfcUe fhf^ ^pes.not need allies, either to eonefUvite or d^nd iteeiff Have not gzoat powers^ :^i^n as Fra^amd England, ft>r Q'sanikDle, almost constantly kept foreign SOLIDARITY OK NATIONS. 69 troops in their armies ? When the United States fought for their cmancipaiios, did the ftM given by France to their efforts cause that great popular "movemetat to he other than truly national ? And, tTlllit be said that the struggle against the South, was not also a national wur, because thousands of Iiiah and Ghermans fought under the Union flag ?" Monsieur Druyn de Lhuys is defioient in logic. There is a notaUe difference between the importance of the foreign troops maintained by France and Mexico in their reciprocal armies. In Fiance, out of au army of 500,000 men, the Foreign Legion numbers 4,000 men, 5,000, . it may be said, being one hundi-edth. In Mexico the army numbers more t^an 30,000 foreignere out of 50,000 men, and at the moment when the monarchy was proclaimed numbered only foreigners. It is permi6S!^ble to suppose that so great a mass of foreign elements in the Mexican army inAuences the destinies and decisions of the Mexican nation. . . ^ When France lent its support to the establisbnient. of American iu- dependence, the movement, had beg«m long before, ai^d the Fi*eneb tropps left the American soil before it was consolidated. Neither befoie nor after, directly or indii-ectly, did the French troops Of Rochambaut ever take the smallest pait in the political events of the country. When a man is minister of the foreign affairs qf France, he should be acquainted with history, and if he knows, he should respect it. If Monsieur Druyn de Lhuys had but taken this truth into con- sideration, he would not have committed the error of osiSm^f for- eigners' those Irish, ifierman and French, who fought iiilder. the flag^of the Union against the South ; they were naturalized, for the most; part, and consequently were as American as WashingtoYi or Jefferson. After having promised the evacuation as a recompense .of th«. recog- nition, the French minister causes the perspective of vast commerdal issues to sparkle before our eyes. Does he mean io ^ajr^that it is the magic virtue of the Word monarchy wliich will suffice to pecure.coto- mercial security, or the strength of the ^ayoxieis that it employs ? A3 for one, I believe m neither ; I believe only in liberty. But Marshall Forey has told us that if the French bayonets Were wj^tJidrawn all would anew be plunged into anarchy; howthei;i can t^ offer lis that anarchy as an inducement to recognize thp throne, of JtfiKimiliaiu .A man should be logical and rational,; or at least should try to appear so. " We find them noto in the estdblisihmerd of a regular power, which .fhotCM Uuff disposed to keep Us engagemetiis, IqyaUy, In this r%ard, we Jibpe, that the lawml aim of our expedition will soon bo attained) and we gndeayor to miake, with Em- peror Kaxitninari, those ai*rangements which, by ^atisfjd^ our interests and ^pp dignity, allow us to consider the role of otir army upon the Mexican soil ^& at .im end. The Emperor has given me orders to write in thi4 ^ns?) to his minister In Mexico. " We shall, such being the case, return to the principle of non-intervention, and, from the moment we accept it as a rule of conduct, 6up interest, no less than our honor, commands us to claim the equal application of it from all. Confiding in the spirit of equity which animates the cabinet of Washington, we await from it the assoraace the^t th^i' American people will conform to the law which: it inarokes, by maintaining a strict neutrality with regard to Mexido. When.yoxr shall have informed me of the resolution of the Federal goremment on this subject, I sludl be able to indicate to you- the result of our negotiations with Emperor Maximilian for the return of our troops," The yellow book contains another correspondence betweeu Mr. Big- elow and M. Drouyn De Lhuys, with regard to the atrocious acts or- 70 M E X I (^ O , A N 1) T H E dered by Maximilian, as regarded the .prisoners of war, and j\s to the *4jadirect ea^tablishracni oif iflaveiy, in which Monsieur Darouyn Dq Lhuys, irith more good sense than truth, declines all manner of responsibility as to the actfe of Maximilian's gdvemment, and shows himself to be bet- ter acquainted with the English language than we are with the Friench. Mt Bigelow, in his letter of the 16th January, 1866, to Monsieur Drouyn clelihuys, makes use of this expression, planted, in speaking of the gov- ' #tnment of Maximilian established by the Fi'ench goveriimeht. In his dispatch to Monsieur de Montholon, on the! 25th Jan., 1866, Monsicm* Drouyn de Lhuys, says: " I declare to youm the first place, that I can- ifot admit the expression, p/arite^?, as applied to the role of the French gov- irhmeut in the events which have modified the political regime of Mex- ico. In reply to their correspondence, more voluminous thati sensible, Mj\ Seward replies by neutrality without recognition. Neutrality, so be it, we are not in[a condition to undertake a foreign war within the prim- itive state of our military science and infeJtitutions. Let us boast as much as we please of our victories, but do not let us renew them; they "O^ the people too dear; but let us make the war of tariff, for it brings ill and does not cause outlay. In 1866, the following diplomatic correspondence opened relative to <6e evacuation : 'VBB MnriSTEB OF FBAKCB, AT MEXICO, TO THE MUHSTEB OP FOBEION AFFAIRS. MexicOj 28th December, 1865. » '*3&L MimsTBB— The dispatch that your Excellency has done me the honor to wriii^'to me, on the lAiji of November last, ieached meod the 13th of the present montl^ On the same o».y I began to take actjive ateps t^ qfedded to second his efibrts, we have been obliged, however, to regulate the con- ditions of our cooperation according to the measure of French interests, which we had, above all, to occupy ourselves with. The Emperor, with wise forethought* wished to defend his government against being carried away by a generous idna, by defimng the nature and, in advance, limiting the extent of the concurranoe which it was permitted us to afford "We were obliged, at the same time, to stipulate the equivalent resources wMch were to be attributed to us, and to fix the quota, and the falling due of the sums destined to defray our expenses. Such was the object of the conveil- tion of Miramar. which was to remain the rule of our rights and reciprocal duUes. It would be without interest now to return to the ckcumstances which prevent the Mexican government from henceforth j^fulfilling the obli^tions which tills act lays upon It, and which threaten to cause the expenses of the new estabUshment to weigh upon us without any of the promised compensation. I Vrin not insist upon the observations as to this which abound in my correspcmd- ence with the Emperor's legation, and it appears to me superfluous to seek now, in, a ydn discussion, for the causes of a Mtuatlon that my duties obliges me oi^ to. state. By right, as the clausiss of the bilateral contract which bound us to the Mexican government are not to be executed by that government, we are our- selves freed from the obligations which we had cootracted. '* However, sir, we should perhaps not have thought of making use of the facul^ which the non-execution of the engagements of the treaty of Mfaramar gives us to declare ourselves freed from our own, if our resohitlon in that reffaard were not commanded by a consideration of a nature whlcdi does notadnutiof discussion. The Mexican govemment ispocnerlesa to furnish ms with ike Jirumdal ft- sources indispensable to thekeanng ftp ef our military status^ dnd it has even ashed 'Mb, to takSf besides, to our charge, the greater* part of the expenses cf'ite internal eubmnisirth' tion. These embarassments are not new, and we have several times endeairca^ to provide for them by loebiBwhirh have placed considerable sums at the dispossil of Mexico, . '-..• ' ** Now, all fresh recourse is admitted to be impossible. What remains for ua to do, in presence of the void which is shown to exist in the Mexican treasury, Aud-tiie burdens which Us penury casts upon us ? The provisions of our budget 72 M E X 1 C O , A N D T H K fbmish us with nomdans of supplying this defidt Mexico noV l>elng able to ptPjr the troops which we keep upon her territorv, it becomea impossible for us to keep them there. As ilhr asking fresh credit of our oomitry with this object, I huve already explained myself with you on this head ; as I have told you, public oi^ion has pronounced, with irrefragaNe authority, that the limit of saoifices was reached. France would refuse to add anything, And the govemment of the emperor would not ask it. ** Far from me be the thought of ignoring the efforts accomplished by Emperor Maximilian and by his gorerhment. The emperor had resolutely faced the diffl- colties inherent to orery new establishment^ and these the peculiar situation of Mexicb rendered, perhaps, more arduous still. His impulsion has been felt eyery- where, and though it has not been given him to operate, as his good intentions directed, and as rapidly as he conceived them, with regard to those transforma- tions which tlie administration of the country demands, undeniable results never- theless attest the activity of his initiative measures. In the provinces as well as in the capital, wherever the emperor and the empress, who has so courageously associated herself with the task of her august spouse, have been able to make . themselves personally knowuj the sympathetic, welcome of the population testi- fies their confidence and the nopes which they attach to the firm establishment . of the empire. The emperor himself* has proclaimed the end of the civil war, if the resistance to his authority indeed deserves that name. ^*Thi8 situation, encouraging in many respects, leads m6 to ask whcthet the ..well-understood interest of Emperor Maximilian is not in accordance herein with the neee^ities which we are bound to obey. • Of all the reproaches whi6h the dissenters utter in the interior, and. adversaries utter without, the most danger- ous to a government which is . being founded, is certainly that of only bQng .sustained by foreigjj^ powers. Without doubt, the vote of tjie Jklexicans has jmswe^red this imp^itation ; it subsists, nevertlleless, atid is easy to understand , l^w useful it would be to the. cause of the.ompire to withdraw this weapon from Jits adversaries. I'., . f*At thp moment when these diverse considerations oblige us to look forward . tp the termination of ouir ipilitaiy occupation," the Emperor's government: in its fioilicitnde fortlie glorious ta^k in which he has taken fte initiative and in his [ranpathy for Emperor MaxJmiJian,. exactjy compreliends the financial situation '.of Mexico. This siiuation is serious, but it is not at all desperate. "\VJlth energy and courage, with firm and persevering will, the Mexican empite can ' triumph over tjhe difficulties which it meetS: with on its way ;, but success caii only be had at i^^is price. This is the conviction which, we have derived "fi^om the attentiva-and .PQi^scientious examinations of its obligations and resources, and you will endeavor : to cause it toenter the minds of En^peror Itt^m^ian aAdThis gover nmen t. ,'■. .. ,, . V ,. r. ■ . ■ Receive, etc., . .' DliOlTyN DE LHtJYS,?,^ ■" MHic MINlfltKR OF PRA)}el5,.lK.MEXtOa TO TUB KINIS^j^ QF FOSBION AVFAI^« - Mf^ico, 18th January, 1866.. } . '.' JAni MiNisTEB^Your Excellency already knpws fhat J have obtai)ded from • the Mexican government aa a^eement that we:8l>aU be paid in obligationsx>f the . seoohd series of the second loaxL The :^exican lii^ga^ion, at Paris, has received -.fhe same information ;/ but the under-secr^tary oi s^atfe, . ^nd of the financeg lias ■iiot yet transmitted the order to deUYer-us.the tiUea.;^hich, according tbliim, -trore not to be'handed^back tUl aftcsr the official ratification of the, convention. The two governments being m harmony ^=to tfie modifications to be made in it, the con vention should be considered «s morally ratjfied. Monsieur Cesar ..being -.at this moment absent, the Emperor. has sent me a telegram from Chapultepec, in > whidihe apprises me that Monsieur Langlais is empowered to give the necessary *" orderB tothe Mexicftn commissions of finances* X have sent tms telegram to the - counsellor of state, now on a mission, who^ I suppose, does not think himself: in . any way authori^od. to order anything, «Ace he has no ofllcial character. -I ." However, Ibeghhn^iojvrite to Monsieur Fould or Monfieur de Geni^§, • 'joining to his letter the telegram bv whioh Emp^cor Maxinulian expresses his 'virilentions. To-morrow, I will beside endeavor, m a telegram to Monsieur de Castillo, to send the formal order to remit tlie titles, ' y I '■■■■■ Receive, etq., DANO." ' < ' TTi^ MIKIIS^R OF VR\kSCEj TK MEXICO, TO tSE MIKIBTBB OP FORBION A7FAIB8. . Mbxico, 9th Eebruaiy, 186«.: " Mr. Minister — Monsieur de Castillo has made known to me that instruc- tions will be sent to the commission of finances in Mexico, now at Paris, for the SOLIDARITY OP ilATIOXS. 7^ payment into our hands of the 47,120 obligations of the second series, represent- ing the 23,560,000 fhmcs which pay our indemnities. The minister of foreign affairs asks me, at the same time, to cause the convention of the 27th Septeml^r to be ratified by the Emperor of the Frencli, to be again passed tlirough the same formality by Emperor Maximilian, when lie shall hare made the proper modifl- cations In the drawing up of some of the articles. Receive, etc., DANO." THB HINISTEB OF FOBEIGN AFFAIRS TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE, IN MEXICO^ Pakis, 16th February, 1866. ** Sir — At the moment when I am writing this dispatch, Baron Saillard- must have reached Mexico. The instructions of the government of the Emperor- are then known. His Majesty, himself has taken care, in his opening speech at the legislative session, to inform the great bodies of the State of his resolutions. I have to-day only to confirm to you the general directions, contained in my messages of the 14th and 16th January, and to recommend you to make, without delay, the proper arrangements with the Mexican government for realizing the emperor's views. **The desire of His Majesty, as you know, is that the evacuation should begin towards autumn next, and that it should be completed as soon as possible. You will come to an understanding with Marshal Bazaine to set the succesiive terms^ in accordance with Emperor aximilian. "I cannot here develop the various considerations to be kept in mind in con- ducting this operation ; some, of a purely military and technical chai*acter, belong essentially to the province of the marshal commander-in-chief; others, of a more political cliaraoter are left to your judgment as to one and all, enlightened aait is by the perfeet knowledge which you have of local circumstances, and the ne- <-essities which are thereby created, ^'It is equally important, sir, to dose the account of the Anancial situation and determine the guarantees which the security of our debt demands. The proyis- ions of the treaty of Miramar, not being orealized, other combinations mmt he resorted.' to to secure the payment of our advances, and .oX the [same time provide, in the interest* of Mexican credit^ for the. regular payment o/ the arrears qf the debt contracted by the ioaTis oj" 1S6^ and 1S65. Monsieur Langiais will receive detailed instructions by this courier from the minister of jinanoe, and wi^ commi^iicate them to you. You ^U be called upon to act in concert with bun so as tQ secure then: execution. ^Tht government of the Emperor thinks, that the combination most simple and least burdensome to the Mexican government would consist in the payment into our hands of. the duties of Vera Cruz and Taitwioo, or others, considered jiu^re suitable^ Half of the produce would be attributed to us to be devoted, a portion to the payment of the iutei^stat 3 per cent, ot our debt valued incapital at 250,000,000, and the rest as a paitial guarantee of the interest due to the bearers of the titles of the loans of 1864 and 1865, Administered by our care it is- permitted to hope that that 6 custom-houses will still fumisih important resources after the taxes agreed updn. You wUl then make the necessary arrangements with the Mexican capinet for this delcj^ation to be regularly conferred upon us, *' This point being settled, ^nd French intarests thus protected, the govemmeBl of the Emperor will nevertheless continue to testify in a very eflacacious manner ail the sympathy with which the person of the goyerei^ of Mexico inspu^ea hib^ and which he feels as regards the generous task to which he has devoted himself. You will have the kindness, sir, to give these assurances to Emperor Maximilian in the name of His Majesty. PPOUYK DE LHUTS, THE MINISTER OF FRANCE, IN MEXICO, TO THB MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS* Mexico, 9|h March, 1866. ^*Mk. Minister — ^I have received the dispatches that your Excellency has done me the honor to address me, and which are dated 14th and 15th January. '* I am about to set forth that the firm resolve of the Emperor is that the evac- uation shall begin towards next autumn ; I am. at Emperor Maximilian's orders to set this term regularly, in conformity with the instructions I have received ; but, m the meantime. Marshal Baziahie is occupying himself with the measures to be tfdien to secure all the interest at stake, as fer as possible^ "Your Excellency already knows the intentions, of the commander-in-chief of the expeditionary corps. The evacuation, if begun in the coming November, would ena during the autumn of 1867, that is to say, would be completed in eighteen months. Receive, etc., DAlsO." 74 .M45;CICO, A^I>., TUjK, . MR. 8EWABD TO THE MABQUIS DE MONTHOLON. Defabtment of State, Wabhtngtor, Febi 13, 1866. ; • ^a — Oa the 6th of IMcember I had the honor to.suhmit to you, ^P writings for the Infbannatioii of the Emperor, a commimioatioii upon the 9ubjebi of affairs in Mexico, as afiected by the presesace of ili^ench armed loccefi in that county. On the 39th of January thereafter you fevored me with. a »^ly to that commumca- tion, which reply had been transmitted to you by M. Druyn de Lhuys, under the date of the 9 th of the same month. I have submitted it to the President of the United States. It is now made my duty to revert to the interesting question which has thus been brought under discussion. In the first place, I take notice of the points which are made by M. Druyn de Lhuys. He declares that the French texpediti«n into Mexico had in it notmng hostile to the institutions of the New World, and still less of anything hostile to the United States. As proofe of this friendly statement he refers to the aid, in blood and treasure, which France con- tributed in our Revolutionary war to the cause of our national independence ; to i;he parliamentary propositions that France made to us that we should join her in her exx)edition to Mexico ; and, finally, to the neutrality which France has prac- tised in the painful civil war through which we have just successfully passed. It jg^ves me pleasure to acknowledge that the assurances thus given on the present occasion, that the French expedition in its original design had no political objects or motives, harmonize entirely with expressions which abound in the earlier cor- respondence of the Minister for Foreign Afiliirs which arose but of the war be- tween France and Mexico. We accept, with ^special' pleasure, the reminiscences of our traditional friendship. M. Douyn de Lhuys next assures us that the French government is disposed to hasten as much as possible the recall of its troops lirom Mexico. Wo hail the announcement as being a virtual promise of relief to (this government from the apprehensions and anxieties which were the burden of that communication of mine, which M. Druyn de Lhuys has under consideration. M. Druyn de Lhuys proceeds to declare that the only aim of France in pursuing Iter enterprise in Mexico has been to follow up the satisfaction to which she had a light, after having resorted to coercive measures when measures of every other iorm had been exhausted. M. Druyn de Lhuys says that it is known how many «id legitimate were the claims of French subjects, which caused the resort to anus. He then reminds us how, on a former occasion, the United States had Draged war on Mexico. On this point it seems equally necessary and proper to say that the war thus referred to was riot mdde nor sought l^ the United ^tes, but was accepted by them under provocation of a very grave charaoter. The trans- action is passed, and the necessity and justice of the prooeedinn of the United states are questions which now rest only within the province of nistoiry. France, I think, will acknowledge that neither in the beginning of our Mexican war, nor In its prosecution, nor in the terms on which wo retired from that successful con- test, did the United States assume any position inconsistent with the principles which are now maintained by us in regard to th^ French expedition in Mecdcb. We are, as we have been, in relations oi azmity and finendship equally with Franco and Mexico, and therefore, we cannot consistently with those relations, constitute ourselves a judge of the original merits of the war which is waged between them. We can speak concerning that war only so £Mr as we are afibcted by its bearing tipon ourselves and upon republican and American institutions on thk continent. M:. Druyn de Lhnys declares that the French army, in entering Mexico, did not tany monarchial traditions in the folds of ii^ flag. In this oonneotiori he refers to the liEUrt that there Were kt the time of the expedition a number of influential men in Mexico who despaired of obtaining order out of the conditions of the republican xole then existing there, and who therefore cherished the idea of falling back upon monarchy. In this connection we are further reminded that one of the late Presi- •dents of Mexico offered to use his power for the re-establishment of royalty. We .are f urttier iiifbcmed' that at t!he time of the French invasion the persons before referred to deemed flie mom/^t to have arrived for making an appeal to the people of Mexico in fitviar of monarohy. M. Druyn de Lhuv^ remarked that the French sovemmej^^ did not dei^m it a duty to discourage that supreme efibit of a power- Jol party, Ti^hioh had its origin long anterior to the French expedition. He ob- serves that the ^^peror, fiaithfal to the maxims of public rieht which he holds in common with the umted States, declared on that occasion that the question of a change of institutions rested solely on the sufiVage of the Mexican . peo^e. In ^support of thiif atate^ient M^ Druyn jde-Llijays ^ves a cony of alettof'trluch the a O L I 1) A U I T Y Of. N A; T I O N S . T5 Emperor addressed to the commander-in-«iiief of .the French expedition on the capture of Puebla, which letter contains the following words: — ** Our object, you know, is not to impose on the Mexicans against their wiU^ncHr to make our success ^d in the triumph of any party whatever. I desire that Mexico may rise to a new life, and that soon, regenerated by a government founded on the national will or principles of order and of progress, and of respect for the laws of nations, she may acknowledge, by her friendly relations, that she owes to France her repose and her prosperity/' 31. Druyn de Lhuys pursues his argument by saying that the JMexican people tave spoken, that the Emperor Maximilian has been called by the people of the country, that his government has appeared to the Emperor of the French to be of a nature adequate to restore peace to the nation, and on its part peace to interna- tional relations, and that he has, therefore, g^ven it his support. M. Druyn de Lhuys, therefore, presents the following as a true statenaent of the present case: — France went to Mexico to exercise the right of war which is exercised by the Ignited States, and not in virtue of any purpose of intervention, concerning which she recognizes the same doctrine as the United States. France went there, not to bring about a monarchial proselytism, but to obtain reparation and guarantees which she ought to claim ; and, being there, she now sustfuns the government which is founded on the consent of the people, because she expects fifom that gov- ernment the just satisfaction of her wrongs, as well as the sectrities indispensable to the future. As she does not seek the satisfaction of an exclusive interest, nor the realization of any ambitious schemes, so she now wishes to recall what remains in Mexico of the army corps which France has sent there, at the moment when she will be able to do so with safety to the French citizens and with due respect to herself. I am aware how delicate the discussion is to which M. Druyn de Lhuys thus invites me. France is entitled by every consideration of respect and friendship to enterpret for herself the objects of the expedition, and of the whole of her proceedings in Mexico. Her explanation of those motives and objects is therefore accept^ on our part with the consideration and confidence which we expect for explanations of our own when assigned to France or any other Mendly Power. Nevertheless, it is my duty to insist that, whatever were the intentions, purposes and objects of France, the proceedings which were adopted by a class of Mexicans fbr subverting the republican government there, and for availing them- selves of French intervention to establish on its ruins an imperial monarchy, are regarded by the United States as having been taken without the authority, and prosecuted against the wfll and opinions of the Mexican people. For these reasons it seems to this government that in supporting institutioivs tnus established, in derogation of the inalienable rights of the people of Mexico, the original pur- poses and objects of the French expedition, though they have not been, as a mili- tary demand of satisfaction, abandone4 nor left out of view by the Emperor of the French, were, nevertheless, let &11 into a condition in which they seem to have become subordinate to a political revolution, which certain^ would not have occurred if France had not forcibly intervened, and which, judging from the fi^enius and character of the Mexican people, would not now be maintained by them If that armed intervention should cease. The United States have not seen any satis&u^tory evidence that the people of Mexico have spoken, and have called into being or ac<^ted the so-called empire which it insisted has been set up in their caT»tal.> The United States, as I have re- nuyrked on other occasions, are of opinion that Buch an acceptance could not have been freely procured, or lawfully taken at Bjxy time, in thepres^lice of the French army of invasion. The withdrawal of the French Ibroeg id deemed necessary to allow such a proceeding to be taken by, Mexico. Of course, the Emperor of France . iB entitled to determine the aspect in which the Mexican situation ought to be re- ^rded by him. It, therefore, recognise^ and must cpnUnue to recognize in Mexico only the ancient republic, and it cmi in no case consent to involve itself, either directly or indirectly, in relation with, pr recognition of the institution of the Prince Maxhnilian in Mexico. This ppsition la hel4> I believe, without one dissenting Toice, by our coimtrymen. I do. not pietend to say that the opinion of the American people is accepted, or will be ad<^ted generally by other foreign Powers, or by the public opinion of mankind. The Emperor is quite competent to form a judg- ment uperetofore taken upon the sub- ject, and with Our just regards to the sovereign rights of the Republic of Mexico. Farther, or otherwise tlum this, France coula not expect us to go. Having thxis reassured France, it seems necessary to state anew the position of this government as it was set forth in my letter of the 6th of December, as follows : Jlepublican and domestic institutions on thiiEf continarit are deemed most congenial with, and and most benefidkl to the United States. Where the people of any country Hko Brazil, How, or Meidco in 1832,' have voluntarily established and acquiesced in monarchical institutions of their own choice, 'free from all foreign control or inter- vention, the United States do not refuse to maintain relations vrtth such govern- ment ; nor seek through propagandism by force or intrigue to overthrow th^se in- stitutions. On the contrary, where a nation has established institutions, republican and domestic, similar to our own, the United States assert In their behalf that lio foreign nation can rightfully intervene by force to subvert republican institutions and establish those of an antagonistical character.. M. Druyn de Lhuys seems to think that I have made a' double reproach against the Prince Maximilian's alleged government, of the difficulty it encounters, and of the assistance it borrows from foreign Powers. In that respect M. Druyn de Lhuys contends that the obstacles and resistance which Maximilian has been obliged to wrestle with have in them- selves nothing especial against the form of the institutions whifeh he is supposed by M. Druyn de Lhuya to have established. 9 O L I D A U I T T O V NATIONS. 77 K. Druyn d(; Lhuys maint^nB tb&t Maximilian's government is undergoing the lot quite common to new powers, while, above all, it lias ^e misfortune tohave to bear the consequences of discords which have been produced under a previous government. M. Druyn de LhuyA represents this misfortune and tihis lot to be in ^Sect the misfortune and lot of governments which have not found armed com- 2)etitors, and wliich have •njojed in peace an uncontrolled authority. He alleges that revolts and intestine wars are the normal condition of Mexico. And he . further insists that the opposition made hy some military chieis to the establish- ment of an empiro under Maximilian is only the. natural sequence of the same want of discipline, and the same prevalence of anarchy of wluch his predecessors lA power in Mexico have been victims. It is not the purpose, nor would it be consistent ^ith the character of tlie United States to deny that Mexico has been for a long time the theatre of faction and intestine war. The United States con- few this £ELct with regret ; all the more sincere because the experience of Mexico hiB been not only painful to her own people, but has been also of unfortunately evil influence on other nations. On the other hand, it is neither a< right of tho United States, nor consistent with their friendly disposition toward Mexico to reproach the people of that country with their past calamities, much less to in- voke or approve of the infliction of punishment upon them by strangers for their political errors. The Mexican population have, and their situation has, some pe- culiarities which are doubtless well understood l^ France. Early in the present ceatury they were forced, by convictions which mankind cannot but respect, to cast off a foreign monarchical rule which they deemed incompatible with their welfare and aggrandissemont. They were forced at the same time, by connections which the world must respect, to attest the establishment of republican institu- tions without the full experience and practical education and habits which would render these institutions all at once firm and satisfactory. Mexico was a theatre of conflict between European commercial ecclesiastical and political institutions and dogmas, and novel American institutions and ideas. She iiad African slavery, colonial restrictions, and ecclesiastical monoplies. In the chief one of these par- ticulars she had a misfortune which was shared by the United Stated, while the latter was happily exempted from the other misfortunes. We -cannot deny that aJl the anarchy in Mexico, of which M. Bruyn do Lhuys complains, was necessarily and even wisely, endured, in the attempts to lay sure foundations of broad repub- lican liberty. I do not know whether France C4in rightly be expected to concur in this view, which alleviates in our mind the errors, misfortunes and calamities of Mcx'co. However this may be, we fall back upon the principles that no foreign State can rightfully intervene in such trials as those of Mexico, and, on the ground of a desire to correct those errors, deprive the people of their natural right of domestic and republican freedom. All the injuries and wrongs wliich Mexico can have committed against any other State, have found a severe punishment in consequences which legitimately followed their commission. Nations are not authorized to correct each other's errors, except so far as is necessary to prevent or redress iiyuries affecting themselves. If on« State has a right to intervene in any other State to establish descipline, constituting itself a judge of the occasion, then every State has the same right to intervene in the affairs of every other nation, being itself alone the arbiter, both in regard to the time and the occasion. Tlie principle of inten-ention thus practically carrid out would seem to render all sovereignty and independence, and even all international peace and amity, uncer- tain and fallacious. M. Drayn de Lhuys proceeds to remark that as for the support which Maximilian rseeived from the French army, as well also for the support which has been lent to him by JBelgian and Austrian volunteers, those supjjorts cause no hindrance to the freedom of his Resolutions in the affairs of his government. M. Druyn de Lhuys asks what State is there that does not need allies either to form or to defend ? As to the great Powers, such as Franco and England, do they not constantly maintain foreign troops in their armies ? When the United States fought for their independence did the aid given by France cause that movement to cease to be truly national ? Shall it be said that the contest between the United States and the recent insurgents was not in a like manner a national war, becauso thousands of Irishmen and Germans were found fighting under the flag of the United States. Arguing from anticipated answers to these questions, M. Druyn de Lhuys reaches a collusion that the character of Maximilian's goyemment «annotbe contest ed, nor can its efforts to consolidate itself be contested on tho 78 IIKXIOO, A N I> TUB ' ground of the employment of foreign troops. M. Druyn de Lhuys, in this argu- ment, seemg to ub to have overlooked two importlmt iacts, via : Frst, that the United States in this correfipondence have assigned definite limits to the right of alliance incomimtible with oar assent to this aigament ; second, the fact thftt the United States 6ave not, at any time, accepted the siipposed government of the Prince Maximilian as it constitutional or legitimate form of government in Mexico, capable or entitled to form alliances. M. Druyn de Lhuys then argues in a graphic manner the advantages that have arisen, or are to arise to the United States mm the successful establishment of the supposed empire in Mexico. Instead of a country unceasingly in trouble, and which has given us so many subjects of complaint, and against which w^ ourselves have l^en obliged to make war, he shows us in Mexico a pacific country under a beneficent imperial sway offering henceforth measures of security^ and vast openings to our commerce — a country fiir from In- juring our rights or hurting our innnences. And he assures us that above all other nations, the United States are most likely to profit by the work which is being accomplished l^ Prince Maximilian in Mexico. These suggestions are as natural on the part of France as they are friendly to the United ^States. The United States are not insensible to the desirableness of political and conmiercial reform in the adjoining country ; but their settled prinaples, liabits and connec- tions forbid them to look for such changes in this hemisimere, to foreign, royal or imperial institutions, founded upon a forcible subversion of republican institutions. The United States, vol their accustomed sobriety, regard no beneficial results which could come from such a change in Mexico as si&cient to overbalance the injury which they must directly suffer by the overthrow of the republican government of Mexico. M. Druyn de Lhuys, at the end of his very elaborate and able review, recapitu- lates his exposition in the following words : " The United States acknowledge ' the right we had to make war in Mexico. On the other part we admit, as they do, the principle of non-intervention. This double i>ostulate includes, as it seem* to me, the element of an agreement. The ri^ht to make war, which belongs, aa Mr. Seward declares, to every sovereign nation, implies the right to secure the results of .war. We have not gone across^ the ocean merely for the purpose of showing our power and of inflicting chastisement on the Mexican government. After a train of fruitless remonstrances it was our dutv to deinana guarantees we could not look for from a government whose bad faith we had proved on so many occasions. We find them now engaged in the establishment of a regular government which shows itself disposed to honestly keep its engagements. In this relation we hope that the legitimate object of our expedition will soon be* reached. And we are striving to make with the Emperor Maximilian arrange- ments which, by satisfying our interests and o\a honor, will permit us to con wider at an end the service of the army upon Mexican soil. The Emperor has ^ven an order to write in this sense to our minister in Mexico. We fall back at that moment upon the principle of non-intervention, and firom that moment accept it as the rule of our conduct. Our interest, no less than our honor, commands lis to claim from all the uniform application of it. Trusting the spirit of equity which animates the cabinet at Washington, we expect from it the assurance that the American people will themselves conform \o the law which they Invoke by observing in regard to Mexico a strict neutrality. When you (meaning the Marquis de Montholon) shall have informed me of the resolution of the federal government, I shall be able to indicate to you the nature of the results of our negotiations with the Emperor Maximilian for the return of our troops." 1 have already, and not without much reluctance, made the commentB upon the arguments of M. Druyn de Lhuys which seem to be necessary to guard agawsi the inference of concurrence in ouestionable positions which might be drawn from our entire silence. I think that I can, therefore, afford to leave his recapitu- lation of those arguments without such an espedal review as would neceasarily be prolix and perhaps hypercritical. The United States have notclainied, and they do not claim, to know what arrangements the Emperor may make for the adjust- ment of claims for idemnity and redress in Mexioo. It would be on our part an act of intervention to take cognizance of them. We adhere to our position thivt the war in question has become a political war Wtween France and the re- public of Mexico, injurious and dangerous to the United States and to the re- publican cause ; and we ask only that in that aspect and oharacteritmay.be brought to an end. It would be illiberal on the part of the Uxiited States to sup SOLIDAlttTTOF NATIONS. s 7^ pose that, in desiiliig or pursning preliminary arrangemefnta, the Eknperor con- templates the establishment in Mexico, before withdrawing his forces, of the very- institutions which constitute the material ground of the exceptions taken against hte intervention by the United States. It would be still more illiberal to suppose for a moment that he expects the United States to bind themselves indirectly ta aoqnieece in or support the obnoxious institutions. On the contrary, we under- stimdhimasannouncing to us his immediate purpose to bring to an end th& servioe of the armies in Mexico ; to withdraw them, and in good fedth to fall back, wiUiout stipulation or condition on our part, upon the principle of non-interven- tkm» upon whic}i he is henceforth agreed with the United States. We cannot understand his appeal to us for an assurance that we ourselves will abide by our own principles of non-intervention in any other sense than as the expression, in a friendly way, of his expectation that when the people of Mexico shall have been left absmutely free from the operation, effects and consequences of his own poUtical and military intervention, we will ourselves respect their self-established sovereignty knd independence. In this view of the sutject only can we consider his app^ pertin^t to the case. Regarding it in only this aspect we must meet the Bmperor firankly. He knows the form and character of this government* The nation can be bound only by treaties which have the concurrence of the Pres- ident' and two-thirds of the Senate. A formal treaty would be objectionable,, a» unnecessary, except as a disavowal of bad faith on our part, to disarm suspidon in regard to a matter concerning which we have given no cause for questioning our loyaltv, or else such a treaty woul^ be refused upon the ground that the ap- plication tot it by the Emperor of France was unhappily a suggestion of some sinister or unfriendly reservation or purpose on his part in withdrasTlng from Mexico. Diplomatic assurances given by the President on behalf- of the nation can at best be but the etpresions of confident expectations on his part that th» personal administration, ever changing in eonfermity and adaptation to the na* tional wUl, does not misunderstand the settled painclples and policy of the Amer- ican people. Explanations cannot properly be made by the President in any case wherein it would be deemed, for any reason, objectionable on pounds of public policy l^ the treaty-making power of the government to introduce or entertun ne|:otidtions. With these explanations I proceed to sav that, in the opinion of the President, France need not for a moment delay her promised withdrawal of military forces from Mexico, and her putting the principle of non-intervention into full and com- plete practioe in regard to Mexico, throuc^h any apprehension that the United States will prove unfidthful to tho principles and policy in that respect, which, on their behalf, it has been my duty to mamtain in this how veiv lengthened cor- respondence. The practice of this government from its beginmng is a guarantee to all nations of the respect of the American jHiople for the free sovereignty of the people in every other state. We received the instruction from Washington ; we appued it sternly in our early intercourse even with France. Tho same prin- ciple and practice have been unJJTormly' Inculcated by all our own statesmen, inter- preted by all our jurists, maintained by all our conpesees, and acquiesced in without practical dissent on all occasions by the American people. It is in reality the chief element of foreign intercourse in our history. Looking simply toward the point to which our aii;ention has been steadily confined — ^to ttie relief of the Mexican embarrassments without disturbing our relations with France— we shall be gratified when the Emperor shall give to us, either through the channel of our est^med correspondent or otherwise, definite information of the time when French military operations may be expected to cease. To Mabquis db Montholon, &c., &c. W. H. SEWARD. the mabqui8 de montholon to mr. seward. Legation op France to the United States, ) Washington, April 21, 1866. j Mr. SECBBTAiiT of Statb : — Sir — I hasten to remit herewith to your Execellency a copy of a dispatch which I at the moment receive from H. E. M. Druyn de Lhuys, and which answers the dispatch you were pleased fo address to me relating to Mex* iocua affairs on tiie 12tli of February last. Acoopt, Mr. Secretag- of State, the Bfisuraoces of my high consideration. MONTHOLON. To Uie Hon. Wili^iam H. Seward. 'SG^ . M E X I >0 O,, A K D. T 11 JB U. DKUYN TO THK IdUL^gUIS DB MONTHOLOK. Pabis, April 5, 1866. . To the Marquis de MoNTti[0iiOW : Sir — ^I haye read with all the attention which it desecrves the answer of thfr ^Secretary of State to my dispatch of the 9th of January last. The scrupulous care with which Mr. Seward has. pleased to analyze that dis- patch, and the extended considerations 'uj^on which he as ewtered to de- fine, in regard to tjie expose which 1 ha,ye made of the conduct of France in the affairs of Mexico, the doctrines whicli are the basis of the intemaf tional policy of the United States, bear witness in pur eyes to the interest which the Cabinet of Washington attaches to putting aside aJl misappre* hension. We find therein the evidenqes of its sentimenta of amity which the traditions of a long alliance have cemented between our two counfcriea' ito prevail over .the accidental divergences often inevitable in the move- ment of aflfeirs and the relations of governments. It w in tliia disposition , that we have appreciated the communication which the Secretary of State lias addressed to you on the 1st of January last. IshaUnorftSfU- ^f}\ ^<^im:trit inth^ develppements h(8 has given t^ the expdsittori b/. the principles which direct .thepblicyof the American Union. It does not appear to me opportww or proj/Uahie to prolong on points of delicacy cr of history a discussion wherein Tftany may. differ in opinion f torn the government of the United States wUhoid danger to the interests of the ^ tipo countries. . / thihk it bet- ter to serve these interests^ to ahstaiii from discussing assertions, in ' my opinion J very contestable, in oxdei' to take action on • assurances which, may contribute to facilitate one understanding. We nev^ heaitate to offeir to our friends the. explanations they ask from us, and we hasten to g^Y6 to the Cabinet at Washington all these which may enligliten it on the pur- pose we are pursuing in Mexico, and on the loyality of pur intentions,.— We have said to it at the same time that the certainty we should acqimrQ, of its resolution to observe in regard to that eountry,^ after our depaxture, ^ policy of no];i-intervention would hasten the moment when it would be. possible for us, without compromising the interests which led us there, to withdraw our troops and put ttn end to an occupation the duration of twhich we are sincerely desirous to abridge. In his dispatch of the 12th of Pebruaiy last Mr. Sew;ard calls to mind, on his part, that the government of the united States h^s conformed, during the whole course of its history, to the rule pf conduct which it received from Washington by practising invariably the principle of non-inter\^ention, and observes that nothing justifies the apprehension that it should show itself unfaithful in what may concern Mexico. We receive this assurance with entire confidence. We find therein a suflScient g^rantee not any longer to delay the adoption of measures intended to prepare for the return of our army. The Emper-' or has decided that the French troops shall evacuate Mexico in three de- .tachments, the first being intended to depart in the month of November, 1866 ; the second in March, 1867, and the third in the month of Novem- ber of the same year. You will please to communicate this decision offi- *ctally to the Secretary of State. Receive, Marquis, the assurance of my high consideration. DRUYN DE LHUYS. To the Marquis de Montholon, minister of the Emperor to Wash- ington. Legation of the United States. ) Pabis, June 4, 1866. f Sir — I waited upon his Excellency, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, on Saturday last, in pursuance of a previous appointment, to confer with him upon the subject matter of your instructions, No. 459, marked " confi- dential." As he had alreikdy been apprised of the contents of that dispatch, through the French minister residing in Washington/ I waa spared the necessity of restating them. He said that the Imperial Gov- 80LI1>ARITT OPNA.TIOM8. 81 ment proclaimed its intention to retire from Mexico because it suited its conrenience and interests to retire, and for no other reason. When, therefore, it announced formerly, not merely to the United States, but to all the world, that the army would be withdrawn ftom Mexico within a specified term, he thought it should be deemed sufficient. The Govern- ment made its declaration in good faith, and means to keep it. It means to withdraw its army within uie time prescribed, and it does not intend to tfikke one or two hundred in the first detachment and one or two hundred in the second, leaving the greater body of them to the last, though it had not deemed it necessary to specify with minuteness details of this kind which depends upon hygienic and climatic considerations of which it was the best and the only competent judge. This his excellency said he wished I would say to our government. I asked his excellency if I had ever intimated to him, whether in^ writing or orally, any suspicion of .the Em- peror's intention to withdraw his army from Mexico in unequal portions. Me replied that I had not I then asked him if any other person author- ized to speak in the name of my government had done so. He said no : but he haid read imputations of that kind in one of our papers. I replied in substance that the press was a law in itself, and that we had better not accept it as a law unto us ; and as he asked me to communicate to my gov- ernment a formal answer to what sounded like an accusation of insincerity and bad faith on the part of the Bmperor, I wanted hia authority for sta- ting that no such accusation had reached him through any official channeL He replied that he only had read it in a newspaper. I then wei^t on to say that the purpose of your- instruction, as I understood it,* was Bimphr to obtain an explanation, whidi was sure to be requir^ of you, of the ship- ment in France of large bodies of trooj^ to Mexico after, the purpose to withdraw her whole army had been officially proclaimed. To this his Ex- cellency replied that since seeing me, he had gotten from his colleagues of the Marine and War Departments information to the import that no troops belonging to the corps expeditionaire had been sent to Mexico this year, unless for the sake of partly replacing soldiers missing, but at any rate without any augmentation of the number of standing troops ; that the shipment of troox)8 referred to in the public prints, and in your despatch, was most likely ^t made in the transport Bhone about the beginning of the year ; that this Bhone touched at Martinque but not at Bt. Thomas as was stated ; that i^e carried 916 and not 1,200 soldiers ; that they belong- ed to ^^^ Foreign Legion and not to the Essp&dUionarp Corps ; that they con- sisted of troops that had been waiting transportation along time in France and in Algeria, to join their regiments ; that no new troops hod been en- rolled for the Foreign Legion since the Emperor proclaimed his purpose to withdraw his fiag from Mexico, and that no more for what he knew weije intended to be enrolled. In regard to the shipment . of troops from Aus- tria, he said that was an affair entirely between that govjemment and the Mexican, with which France had not^ii)^ to do ; that since I had spoken to him upon the subject, he had verified his own convictions by a reference to the Ministers of War and Marine, and hsA ascertained that no engage- ments of any sort had been entered into by either for the enrollment or transx)ortation of troops from Austria to Mexico. He went on further to say that it was the intention of the government to withdraw the army en- tirely from Mexico within the time specified in his dispatch to you, at the very latest — sooner, if climatic and other controlling considerations per- mitted, and it was not its intention to replace them with other troops from any quarter. At the conclusion of a long conversation, of which I have given the important results, I expressed satisfaction with his !E2p^cellencey's explanation, and the pleasure I should have in communicating them to my government.'' This dispatch has betoi submitted to : M. Drbuyn de Lhuys, and the foregoing version of the results of our conversation has been approved by him. Iam,Bir, with very great respect, your obe'tserv't, JOHN BIGELOW^ Hon. Wm. Sewabd, Department of State, Washington, D. C. 6 ig2 ' ' I Ml £.:&-! OtO', iANlBI ^T-H B ^ MB. BSWABD a«0 KB; MOTMEy-^[167]. Depaetmbnt of BtAtE, W^HtNGTDN, March J9. 1866. ' giR — ^I^r. Bigelow inf orms me by ii diBpatet of the 15tli of February, that he 'learned from an unofficial Hoiirce that GrfigoeiB fiarandjm, the diplo- matic representative of the Areh^uke HaximiEan^ formerly Secretary of Legation under Seuor Bobles, at "Washington, is noTs^ iu Paris to ^t ont ten thousand Austrian Sj Tv^ho, he says, are ready to embark froin Tiieate for Mex ico. The Mexicau Minister informed him that there wag no moue^ in his hands. I am not sure of Icflrning the result of the Minister's Yisit here, as themoneji if furnished, must;come through indirect and concealed cliannels. You are instructed to inquire conceTnlng the facta ; and^ if they justify the report, to bring to the ^knowledge of the Austrifn Government seasonably that the United States cannot regard -with uncommon concern a proceeding whicli would seem to bring Austria into alliance with the in- Taders of Mexico to snbyert the domestic government of the rej^nbBe^ m^ to build up foreign imperial institutional Jt is hoped that' Austrifi wiU giV© us frank explanation, I am, sir, your obeiHent servant, w, H. slwabd: ; J. Lathrop MdTLJssT, Ei^q., &c., Yienna. MB. SEWABI> TO MB. MOXLBT. ated the case substantially which yotir communication now presents. You cannot, while practising the courtesy and respect which are diie to the Austrian Government, he eiiTier too earneit or too emphatic in the protest you have been directed to make. In performing this duly you may be assisted by information of the actual state of Iflhe question concerning French intervention in Mexico at the present moment. •With this view I gpfve you, confldentally, a copy of my note addressed to M. Montholon on the 12th day of February last. As yet no reply hafe been received to this note, nor have its contents become pubHc. You will, therefore, see the propriety of being discreet in such use of it as you may find it necessary to make. After re^ng that paper you will be justi- fied in saying that the lAoieriean government and people would not beKke- ly to be pleased with seeing Austria, at this junction, assume the charactet of a/protector to a foreign military power, which, cltfming the power of an empu». is attempted to be set up on the supposed subverted foundations of the republic of Mexico. lam, sir, your obedient servant, Wm. H. SEWARD. J. liATHBOP Motley, Esq., Vienna. ^ MIU SBWABD TO. MB. MOTLST. — [No. 173.] . < ' Wabhu^gton, April 6, 1866. Sib— An' informal not^ has jusi been received from Mr. Bigelow^ the United States minister at Paris. In this note idr. Bigelow writes in. sub- stance as follows : The Moniteur of the 21st of March announces that a military conveation was signed at Vienna on the 15th instant between the 8 O I^^^n A H lyT r OP N'ATIONS. ^.88 JbiBtmn govenuoent and t^e repreMiiitaiiv^s oi.Maximilmu, Happlemebt- .aiy to a conventiQ^ of th^ same nature.which had boea prerioualy oon- v^lu49arties. The purpoee of -this engagement, Buys the JUouileur^ is to insure the enioUment neoeesary to keep ML the Atis- . jtii&a corps in MexiQo. I^Cr. Bigelow further writes as foUows : ''I haye .rjieen it Btjitad in another journal that a line of steeonera is to be started c^m Trieste to Vera Cruz, to ply regularly after the 1st of ApiiL" j^ AjgMn Mr, Bigelow furnishes an extract from the Faoris ComtittUionel of Jillie i^l»i of March : '''We learn from the FreudenWaOj Vienna, that the lif^U^tiibent lor Mexico will begin immediately ; that the funds had been ze- lifMbived from Paris two .months since. '' .. J ;, Your dispatches, of dates almost as late as that of Mr. Bigelow's note, ace silent upon the rumors which he brings to the no^ce of this government. . St is possible that more authentic information which ^ou may possess con- t toenung thA disposition and proceedings of the Austrian gOTemment may enable you to treat the matter meojtioned by Hr. Bigelow with indiffeir- . esu^ Looking at the matter, however, from one point .of observalion, -.the rumors referred to are deemed su0loient to entitle us to ask a fri<^ndly . lo^d just exposition of the imperial ix>yal goyemment of the : relations . . which it |»-oposes to assume, to assure or maintain henceforth in regard to ^ ly^xicp. You are, therefore, expected to- execute the instnictions which • . have neretofore been sent to you to that effect, and it is thought propier . .fbat you should state that in tiie event of hostilities being carried on hece- „ after in Mexico by Austrian subjects, under (the conunond or with the , fBanction of thO:govemmentyol Vienna, the United States willfeel themselves at liberty to regard those hp6tiliti^s. as oonstitatiagastate of war by Anstana ) i^painst the republic of Mexico, and in regard to such war, waged at this { time and under existing cixcumstancea the United States could not engal|g;e to remain as silent or neutral spectators. The President ^lay desire to call the attention of Ck>ngress to thk inter- : esting subject. You will see the importance, therefore, of obtaining the / JVaf orxnaUon which is desired as early as may be practicable, Consistently with the courtesies due to Austria as a friendly government Should ^n, however, find impprtant reasons now unknown to us lor deferring the execu- tion of this instruction, you will be at Uberty to exercise your- discretion and report the reasons to us. I remain, sir, your obedient servent, Wm. H. SEWARD. J. Lathbof Motlsy, Esq., &c., &c., Vienna. lOU SEWABp TO MB, HOTIiEY. Dbpabtmbnt op State, ) , ' ' Washington, April 16, 1866. ) Sdb— I have had the honor to receiveyour dispatch of tne 27th of March • (No. 155], which brings the important announcement that a treaty called a <*]|filitai7 Supplementary Convention^' was ratified on the 15th of that month between the Emperor of Austria and Prince Maximihan, who claims ., to be an emperor in Mexico. You inform me that it is expected that about one thousand volunteers will be shipped under the trealy from Trieste to Vera Cruz very soon, and that at least as many, more will be shipped in the autumn. I have heretofore given you the. President's instructions to ai^k for explanations, and cOnditionaUpr to inform the government of Austria I that the dispatoli of militai^ expeditions bv Austria under such an arrange- . ment as the one which seems now to have been consummated would be re- garded with serious concern by the U&iteoL States. .Tbie subject has now been further considered in connection with the official information thus recently received. The time seems to have arrived when the attitude of this government in '' Elation to Mexican affairs should be once again frankly and distinctly teade known to the Emperor- of Austria and all other powers whom it may directly concern. The United Stato, for reasons which seem to them to .fbejust, and to haye their foundations in the laws of nations, tnftiti^Axw 84 )fKXICO,ANT>THE that the domestio repnblician govertnoient with which thef are on relation^ of friendly communication, is the only legitimate government existing in Mexico ; that a war has, for a period of seTeral years, been waged against that republic by the government of France, which was begun with a dis- daimer of all political or dynastic designs ; that, that war has sobsequent- ly taken upon itself, and now distinctly wears the character of an Europe- an intervention to overthrow that domestio republican government, lind to erect in its stead a Europ^m imperial military despNotism by military force. The United States, in view of the character of their own political institu- tions, their proximity and intimate relations toward Mexico, and theirjost influence in the political affairs of the American continent, cannot conciMit to the accomplishment of that purpose by the means described. The United States have, therefore, addressed themselves, as they think reason- ably, to the government of France, and have risked that its military forces engaged in that objectionable political invasion may desist from further intervention and be withdrawn from Mexico. A copy of the last communication upon this subject, which was add^ress- ed by the United States to the government of France, is herewith trans- mitted for your special information. These papers will give you . the lame situation of the question. It will also enable you to satisfy the govern- ment of Vienna that the United States must he no less opposed to ijdlitary intervention for political objects hereafter in Mexico by the government of Austria than they are opposed to any further intervention of the same character in that country by France. You will therefore act at as early a day as may fie convenient. Bring the whole casein a becoming manner to the attention of the imperial royal government. . You are authorized to state that the United States sincerely desire that Austria may find it just and expedient to come up on the same ground of non-intervention in Mexico which is maintained by the United States, and to which they have invited France. You will oominunicate to us the an- swer of the Austrian government to this proposition. This government oould not but regard as a matter of serious concern the despatch of any troops from Aus^a for Mexico, while the subject which you are thus di- rected to present to the Austrian government remains under consideration. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Wm. H. SEWARD. To Lathrop Motley, Esq., Vienna. After having attentively read all this diplomatic nonsense, and all the words used to disguise the thought, one nevertheless remains con- vinced of the following facts, with or without the consent of the digni- taries who hold the pen in hand : In the firat place, that Louis Napoleon seeks to make an honorable and but temporary reti*eat from Mexico, and that Mr. Seward fisusililates his doing so by every means in his power. Why I what intei-est has the I'epublioan government of America in showing sympathy with the greatest enemy to nations and to liberty t This is what Mr. Seward could alone explain, and, probably, in a manner more satisfactory to himself than to the country. Secondly, That the French government affirms, in the letter of Monsieur Dronyn de Lhuys, its right to intervene and the necessity for intervention in Mexico, to change the form of government of that country. Thu-dly, That it reserves to itself, on pretext of a payment of the debt which it is perfectly aware that Mexico cannot pay, an ever-ready ' excuse to resume, under more favorable circumstances, those projects which have not attained success this time Fourthly, That these circumstanoes arise from natural internal com- SOLI P. A A ISTT.OF NATIOK8. 89 pli^ons ipr those created by Earopean govenunents^ in the Repoblio of the United States or in the Sputh.. . It&fHowHi therofare, that the interest of the Amerieaa Republii^fs dl^^ietricfllj opposed to that of European governments, for they hitTe an:, interest in disuniting us, and we hare an interest in remainipg unked;: their interest is to make war— K>urs is to maintain peace* and, in consequence, to be logical, we should unite against them in oi'dectb.. pandise Uieir bad intentsu Fifthly, That, all things considered, the result of the French inter* ; ventioa in Mexico, as weU as that of Spain in Chili and Peru, has been di^a^ti'ous : to the aggressive nations as weU as to those attacked.^ Frf^ce has eocpended immense sums, which wiU never be returned^ wjburtiever arrangements may be made. How should Mexico, wiiieh, according to Monsieur Drouyin de Lhuys* admission, cannot pay the . actual expenses of its own government, and wished to borrow from the French government, be able to pay, not only the necessary ex- penses of its own secmity and its maintenance, but 250,000,000 be- sides, a figure at which Louis Napoleon sets the services rendered by France to Mexico, and gives besides an efficacious guarantee to the subscriptions of the loan of 1:864 and 1865 T How could the two ports of Tampico and Vera Cruz, seized by Louis Napoleon — ^which, l^t me say in passing, is a /disguised interrention that we should no more endure than any other — ^be able alone to suffice for paying all tksse arrears T Wheve is the new and immense commercial current diceeted ujpon Mexico, which is instantaneously to raise the custom^ hboMi receipts to the hei^t that imperial coveteousness desires? A* ruined nation. ndAher boys nor consumes, and no one lends to suota a' natioi*. Does Monsieur Drouyn de Lhuys itmagine that he is abld toi ordei< the siU» of Lyons and the Paris articles to walk'over to Miexieo i inli^rder t6 haverth^ pleasure of paying duties at Vera Cruz and' Tahni^i^jot , ^hatt Iter do whatishe may, France will not be paid, and Mexico '13 ^ nutedt-Hiach is the final account of thiifj adventure^ full of artifibe^^ which soihe oaU an.iAtervention^ and others an assaolt^ and which I, for my .part, consider the first step toward the revival of the ^ntiufe Meanwhile, theriB are things which cannot be confessed, but whidk^ nuist be foreseen. The days of the 3|exican empire are numbeiwi; . and .ihO' treaty which apparently shields French interests, will oease- I dd not hesitate, for my part, to bdiere! the thrise worthy of eadfa ' other; > Santa Anna wiB recognize the Mexican ^ debt without paving,^* and ^ifW save aj^aranees. . Besides, he will satisfy the clergy, and Idin ■ ^ Seiinaxidiwiil.give>a fresh token in addition to those alr^idy bbstowed'i by: film npoU the 'ititereftt of theOatbblicr CbniVsh in AttieAjai'* 'OW,' nations! what a lesson, and to us, what' shAtricji!"' ^^ ♦ • '^ ' ;'•' *' "Priarioe baffled, Meiico ruined atid^ushedj the United BtatiEJd'fenljf^- ingr their ntissiott and 'ignoring theit ' destitiy ; thfe Reptiblii^litimtftid ' i^ rpresence of the monaroihy by Seward, wboick>qttW»yith'I^ Nfcpoieon. Such & the result of the poiiey of those ext^e^tibnil b^in^ • whinn the ci-eduBty ofiiatioftdifehtltleffstateftiett."'' . < ;t -^ ... i« O sheep of Panurge! when will you be abfe t6 fliy* Withotlt th6 butdier and the sheph^ixii ■''■ ' • ; .■ j^I ./Mi. 1 :8ince the occasion dfTets itself,: l^ehtiit me t6 show yoti, 'Wthdtit'dlfrf gdig^ one of these statesmen, dealers in natiOn»^ and' pald'byth^ii*^ shiepherds to deliTer tbem rip to the butcher. I'ishoose at lifassH^d^iilid' do net choose bnfe of the mbfet perverted. Ddbois de Siligtiyiafit6it/fcfe^ above nor below the aver^ of. hls'brethVeUi. ■ ^ > *' - • iMi.i- ... — i CHAPTER 1 • ."• •■■ ... > ./; .. .. ,■■ :if ;.,■ 1 ' .'ix\<; : : rmTBOIS DB SAXJOMr. I • t, ' !.i ■'}•■■. •■' iM MTbe perAonifioation of therevil genins^ of Fituio» tdcl with lihehsinds that 'a«esl^ or (to attribute tp Mbnsienr de SfA)gi|7< what belongs to Louis Napoleon ; but, by throwing a beanf of iUgM' i^on th^ ^rvanit. who has, tUl ]iow,'a*emained)iia ito- sbiuie, I tfaMik tbHtf! some rays of it will fal. itpdn the mastdrii(^^^]Uke 'inastei!^, iilbi mfcn^'- Says the pix>verb-****'like mah, lib© masteiry " W8:nday addi^ li » V /, > The faiiuly oif Mensieui* Dubois de Salighjr is nnkhown. . Rciiaed a»^ a purser in the College Henri Quatre in Paris, at the period when^ ths^ Dlfik^. of Orleans was studying theii^ he bi^came intttnateiWith tUat ydc»ig' prince, who i encouraged^ hini^ aitalater pekiod^ to^ enter tipoti': dd^lomacy. Suoh^was the 6rigiit>of lH^<|K>hti^'ioaileer^.)khe'gv^ier<: pMftiof which has beeiUipassedt in Aniericaji Monsieur Dnbei8>de'f Saligny (or Dubois, as those i^hd knew him as layouthy: were aecilB^- tomed to call him), belonged to the Osleanist party through dnclinatUiit^ I iiitcd'est and gratitude — ^if gi^titade ookildrhavefhadiaDyht/ld upow him! — -^hen the Revolution of February) ibrokeoiit; i He did* not hesitalei" atitinstant between Oavagnac and liOui&Napc^ecin, and Freniembei'tbdl ceaversatiod which we had one evening as we were m Paris. It was some #eeks ibefoiis tivsi election of the 10th of December; ! I[ was thin^ commattder bf % tetlw tsdion of Gardes Mobiles, and as.I Aad, beside,; (raised all :thosefof' tlie ' T^^eIfthiArrondis?enient, the inost' popidous and dangerbusiin PaiifaC • thftt'peidod, it was not imiittportant ito have- niy inflaence/^ - SflKg^y - ulidertook thtscommiflfaooi and^iMterhavihg thepiretentQii:ibch'iteitke'^> 8 O L Ii>'AtB BOr^' OF^ NATTIJOMS. St^ personal adymttageB which I ini^t> derive from a determibitkm, mudLti as he desired,, he ^ve ine, to:Mipport his word^ the exact &gvte of thi^; future votes in £inror of tihe two- candidates. Was it chance or penqvb*.t? caoityt I do not kho^^ I. have, however, al way si inclined to tihs'' latter hypothesis; Monsieur de Saligtiy lias one of the clearest minds. ' it is posmhle to meet wit^ ; and ai 'neitheir h» conscience nor Ms senirif bility ever interpose between his mind and his aim, he often attairis it( - — bat he often, iilse, sees it escape him. " :. With LoaisNi^poleon, Saligny triumphed. Not b^ng a personage- great enough tp play a first ro/^, he brought Changarnier into play^ aadW wished to turn that general into the head of a pdrty. / He was, if n6t the soul of the Bue^ Paitiere (whidi lay in Thiers), at least its arm, hf*- means of dhang$ifnidr, and wasv firstly, nvide head of staff in the>: National Onard, thehk^ommanded by that genial, and afterii^rd/iani advance of it in fav€(t of the Orleaiis fiunily. Gkan*^^ gamier, like him, thought his measures sufiicient,!and, eonfidirig'iii. success, began the odebrated phrase: '^Mandatories of the people, de« liberate in peace,** d;c., the edia of which was destined ^o be; lost ini. thebm-rahs uttered by*tbe drunkavds who cohquered on the; 2d of X)e^ ? cember, and who sent the mandatoties of the- people t^ deliberate ixa. peaoe, but iaione, at iMaias, Lambessa^ Belle Me and Cayenne. : n • • I/. - Ifoui^ ^apdeoii was 0otae^hat) moiB pi'ompt; and was bettevsemredt thiiti'-'Chatiganiiier. .■ ■ s ' ' • • -"i '■ f .\"\\'u\i S&Hgny natorally lost bis position, and during somle yisars vegetatifdf> in Paris, without means, wluch was insopportkble to a man who= hifdti appeUtes instead of pvinaiples; .. ; :[ THred of iMa situaUon, he determined to^ rally to Looie Napi)ie' into .politioal liiiB^ as ne^^ssitMti.by t^( want of adiplematio agent in Mexico perfbctly acquainted ^^t^.tfae^ country. Every one naturally replied, that -it was needlosS/to jEisk^j opitiions, when- a detevmloatiea • is already takeii.< Monsiehc de Moi>ly was the intermediary in the diplomatic rentree of Monsieur de SaligoyKf Like the latter, he had been a fiiend of the Duke of Orleans, and, what is more, had been attached to the king's household. Both he and De Saligny had the same tastes, the same passions, the same absolute want of principle. It is my belief that Moray and Saligny had already concocted the Jecker swindle. It was then to an Orleanist^' a fiJiieEid ofi MdCny, a man under the in- direct influence of one of the counsellors of Jefferson Davis, a man connected by interest with thb most influential, grasping and immoral men in France, that French interests in Mexico were about to be con- fidedv ■■' -•; ». ? .-iJ:. ,.: •. : ..' .-. , ,.{• :;. .[ \\ ■■• if iti be observed that ' the' Jecker j debti of which Mo^y» Sa}ig^«| and'thdse with them, became the purchasers; served. )fts a de^EMrti^] point for t^e redamationy and next £)r the interventioi^Qf J^i*3ince,;rt^%|i » Jec^r, born' in :BwilBeriand, was made . French. £p|r .t^jn^s.qf Jt^ij scihenies that iheiaeoesaicn'of :the£tea8iare how Louis N«poleonwa&lHh"i ooflUng iftiore and more involved in thiB udlucky ADbxIqwi affair: itvwill be- apparent that Saligny was the inanfor the 8i(6atioti,,4nd.thiat bf^ fulfilled his diabolic niission fitly. He secured tbe mmbui'be«ieiiit;Of: the Jeicker credit, at the exptoae oi the people of FraOjOQ, piL*ocuF.e9 a diversion for the South, by which hiB was not able, it is true, to profit -^fout that Mras not his fiiult^— and tied a ball to the foot of Louis Napo- \4o&f of which that monarch is not yet rid. ■ . < ^ If it be observed that Monsieur de Momy, loaded by LooisrNapor, lepii with ev«y fkvor that ad albsolute sovereign x^n confer upon :«. sub- jeei, ought to have been sincerely aittaohed to the empire, I would re- ply that Monsieur de Morny was susp^oted of Orledni^t procUvitiies. This is not surprising to any man who knows the human heart. Kon- sienr de Morny looked apon himself as having quite as good a right to the stiocession of Napoleon* I as NapoLeoh UI, just as Prince N^ptdlew considers that he has a still greater claim. I>e Morny's perspicacity wai^ brides, too ^reat not to see through the weakness of the govern- ment fiSuaded ?by himi, and not to (leek in: a iboxe Citable government the-^onsolidatibn of the advantiiges which he bid beto the most e^ger : and b^8t able te derive fronl the first Oertaitt it is that Monsieur 4a Morny disappeared with De Skligny, now dismiastald from i^ffiee, otk^ niorepoor, sore at heart, and engagedin thinking in Paris ojC^the sef^- elations which he might make : revelations that are looked.fpr 3v^ith iihpatience, and which he will liever dare utter^ for^ though he ha^/Ae bbldhess of intrigae, he has not the oonraga.fer motion. If I add to this moral portrait that of a niait of bro^n capletioa, sliildl, thin, r«Nidyv with eyes dianging like ^ose of aoaty aMordittglto theilight'thatiaUs ai>on them, and lin exteri^or naturally eommonptatae, tbdu|(h JEiomewhat improved' by thiar habits of aodlety' ; a ftet lind good, tiflleel', who wonld be very dangerdns If iie could Booceefd in beiing syln* pathetic,'! shall have cottjpleted the portrait of amah' whose aotiM wai'fataltd France andto Louis ^Napoleon; but will/I tm^be power* leSS'in what conoeriKs ourselvGis. i }!fow, that I have shown what the instniaieiili is, let us ei^amine the pr^cexi. i CHAPTER XIII. I THK liATIN RACK. It is in the name of the preponderance of the Latin race that its chairi* pki^, Lotiis Napoleon, s^nt the fiag of France info Mexico, abd thM Uuinartine has declared America to be the property of Europe. It is is tKe.naineof the interests of the Latin mce in Europe, that Spain seat flM^ against Chili and Pert), and seeks to lengthen oift her poW:erites artki-to grasp anew her ancient colonies^ now regenerated and formed into American republics. Let us gUnoe «t this raee, let u^ cguga^kw.its p«Bt^ i^^jp^j^sent and i4%i fatm:e» iu hi^iieal'Ufey active ami4|)a9iU^f..wha|i k i^fMimBarop^, apd,. whalt it is in AiaariGAw Let us sf e if what this rape, really rqinr^seutp in ciyilieation; iu philcNBopby, wi, in pointrof f%^ wa^rontis the. ^aniT.. mellu^ of progress;, the ruin 4;>f light; ^nd 1^ us t^ itr-ilike some new Joshuar--^ crowned} booted and.spuired Dan Quixote, should say Xq that sun of thought, the ninete/enth loentury: '^Staadstilll thou sbaljti go no further I Ui^ I^adn race cannot follow thee ; and the Latin raqe MH: humamty.'^ A man, a poet, a genius of form, deprived of thought, morality, priftr,, ciple or political. &ith, made more aged by i^rror and by pleasure tha^i t b^: ye^rs, an abortion of a ^eat man, Lamabtine, in a word, has made hiauielf the bard of the Latm race and its o^cioos adTOca(e. . .,-i He alone has nnderstood the .imperial ide^ wHoh he consiideiia ^' jvu^t as necessity, vast as the ocean, n^w as^ P aprqposy a s^Ktesmao*s though. feitUe as tLe fiiture, a thought of salvation for Amerie% as well a^ for: . the woriid. " . . i In jf^plying to a maa who takes thi^gp up from so Ipfty a stand^.j;. should have little to say to embrace my subject ^eotire^ starting ^f^, wayp; frofn thinithought : ^^ It \s neo^s^ry,!- says, Mensieor de hwpafix- tiney '^' te» id^pA^ ^va. a very high cttaad to cK^ceive it^ M^ppe. T^> first empire, an entirely military eii^pirei wli^^j^ gave up Lpiiisia^a.ttbir. a piece of army bread, never ooncc^veq supb a pne*'* : i That is a curious elevation of thought in' which the grandest pomhi* • naljons i4[>pear to man only ai microscopi^c. de^Us. Where N^jv)- leon Jl^ soaring into the future^; discovered a riyal to England sva4; an ally fjor France, where his practio^ g)mus cr^t^isd; bpitb bv riddinfif > himaelf of.^.iSMiilPiia eoloi^y> ^yfi^iot^ ^t, wapf .impoi^U^leto retain, bisi nephew and !]iia¥tiiarth»ese^:0^^^ agreem^t^.,! M<»iiieur d0 LiUMrtJ4i#.cpntinues;, ^v7]^e:tj^pgl|t:bf abo|d an^'^^ capipHs position tp b# ta^ni u^ Meiiapo^/A^gaiii^t the: u^^rp^n of tt^; United italics of Amerioa, M^j^iiovelbH^jjosttboi^^^ , , ''Europe has a right to it; France tokes the iui^ative. " ''Let usji^'thp rig^ir^QI tbateleyaM|4 point of^yiew.from whi species,; SAd opjii the riven union of a ^ipglofrace withpiit ri^t'or titlp, at least pve^ Spapp ish America, and tf^^.Lg^in race f he parent of MiJi^Q^ion^ the.pi|ipp]|^> of thej|^pteetion'Of£ttri^)e;Hiditsin4epen4ppp^, ,^ i^ s?vep- teen repiiblioan states in Soutli^rh America, evidently flows totth as to u«' and all the powers of th^ Old World. Events must be foreseen. IK^ Latin taoe must be protected, and, in order to prot^t, a poi^ition mnst first be taken upon the tbi*eatened' point against the United States. <*Thii9 mast be done, or it mast be disclai*ed that the new continent^ the possession of JEuropej^wiW belong Entire, in twenty-four years, per- haps, to those armed pioneers, who only recognize their convenienoe as the claim to usurpation, and who "permit their citiiiens, as, for ex- ample. Walker, to individually raise fleets and armies against Cuba, while their federal general, m the name of the Umon, enters Mexico^ and thence all the capital^ of civilized America in the South !'^ Who, then, ai*e we who people America t Where is that unique = race, without right or title, who possess it? Are we not French, Ger-'' man, English, Irish, Italians, Spanish, Russians, Poles; Belgiabs, Swedes, Danes, Chinese and Turks — in a word, the living and univer- sal piX)tedtation of the free human species against crowned oppressors? There is our right, and therein our title of property. Do you mean to deny this ? Advocate of the past ! show the title of your client tb the property of the fiitin:e! '"'. Aiid what, after all, is America, if not the iminense orucibl^'-ib whiob QtoA amalgamates the races in fusion, in order to cause the filtm^ type of humanity, the free han, to appear T The globe is the property of man, and the new loontintot that of UBERTyT :■■.'• It is owing to this title, and to it alone, that we all, without distino- tkm of race or nation, exiles, voluntary or not, from despotic and 6ath- oMc Europe, have takto possession of this continent ; it is by this title that we shall know how to defend its integrity and disvi^lop its great- ness. By shaking the dust off our feet upon the threilhc^d x^ the Old Worid, we' have said <Akl + YOF N A''t IONS. 91 gether, men* of the future, i^ifliout distinction of race or nation — -thiuv.. preluding th)stt great universal ■ harmony in which a man will no longeif be an EngliBhman, a Frenchman, or an American, but a man, the ^ll• mense edifice, the eternal monnmient'of divine goodness and wisdQin,., based upon science and ci*owried by liberty. . , , . It is in vain thftt Lamartine endeavors to place Walker's expeditioiit, and similar acts, upon the account book of liberty. It would pe neces^ sary to' be ignorant or ufajtiBt not to kriow tha,tfiibtistier expedition*, were exclusively 'composed of southern adventurers, and that they de- rived their origin, as "well as their resources, from that aiistocracy^ driven back by the North, which sought in the South for a means of" territorial increase for its privileged institution. We have been fn Mexico, it is true, but, though victory led us there^l respedlfor right brought us back. We ask your superior civilizatioji^ to.imitate us. You speak of tbie civilized capitals of South Ainerica. To what civilizAtioh do ydu alltidet To that wMcfl caused' thousands of womea to perish in the Chtirch' of Santa Fe, because of fjEuliire in performiug 9. miracle, or to that which protested, by the voice of Indignant brothers-, and husbands, against the eixcessive influence of the Roman priestho(>d' overtheirtTjiVfes arid sisters and daughters! "_'* [ lA it th* oivilizatibrt of Naples, with its bleeding Saint Jauyier anffj^ that of Santa Fe tiith its weeping Virgin, that yqujwishj in harmoibiy with Spaita, to protect 'iu Americal It is only necessary to iinder- nthttd the Value bf ^ords. With you, to .protect means to seize, and ' ciVdtzation meAns higotty. Let up ' Adopt these definitions, but allo^ us to repulse' both prOtectiop 'and civilization. j We shall be none the le^fe vrtuous and religious ; we shall continu^^ to- go eVet^ Sunday- .to our churches to Worsmp tb^ ISterhal Fathe'r^^ wMioiat believing m any nikacle however small ; 'all the vu'gins upoii^j earth may shed all the tears in their ejjei, and Sami Jativier may wastel^^. all the- Wood in' his boflj' ; we shall not pay the sUghtest attJention toj it ; and as for our ministers, we pay them, but »we d(p> not grant them either the hearts of dilr wives or the k^ys 6f oiir housesi . . ' ^ Toti see t-hat bur civilizatioii is not the'pffspMng of the Latin civili-' zaition, ' • Why, then, do you say that thd latter Is tji6 mpthA* -of all othijrs*?- '= ■' ".■''.'". " '■ ". ; Ybi^rs is confusic}]! of ideaii as w!eU as Confusion of wordfi. W^ei4' is the Latin rac^l; * Where is 'thp An^o 'Saxon race? Cp Fraiice^'; with two*thirds of its. population of Celtic and ^aXjbri ra<3ei3, call .heiT'l^ sett the Latin race! • AtkJ can Nottt Artierica,'wHh. half, her popula- tion ■ of Celtic oi' Latin i^ce^, oill herself Anglo S^on t Slost asstjWly; not. ■ ■ ■ ■■•■ ':■"" ". '■ ■ -•■ ■■ '."; '' ' ;" ' ' "'' The Latin i^ce is all. entire in Southern Italy and in certain parts pf Spain 'and Provence^' as the Au^o S^on race is coilfined to England^. To be convinced of tWs it is sufficient, yittiput having recourse to pjr- ethmological research', t6 glance at two cre'ws taken by chance from, the Engflsh, French and American fleets. The English sailors ai*e riiddy^, heavy, light haired and fair, forming a .striking eonti*ast with th^, Unitied States sailors,' thin', fUU of nerVe, diart haired' and tall, while? the Fi^nch sailors, almoist like those of America, fire, heverthelesiii^' shorter in stature and broader in the shouydera.* -92 MK XIC O, A Mp. T ja.|! , Our race is tiie race of the futiu;e. WftbojgLt a historical past, tl^at- riice is as yet without a name. God grant that it m|ij. b^* th«t of. . America. There was a time when nations, confined ana paqked into geirtiuQ very restricted limits, for want of means of conu^anicatlou^ lo .j^ cerr. tiun degree, constituted races. Then, there was a iLatin race, whoie i^iforance, lust, violence and narrow*mindedn^8 %ve, lelt blpo^J ^^^ ridiculous traces in history. That race burned ^bhp Hubs, and toreed Oalileo to retract. It had the crown with the tiara a|id the stake as its symbols, and as its representatives, a wai^ior, a bishop and a prosti- tute. Every where that the Latin race appears it is preceded, accom- panied and followed by these thi*ee personages. Litue d<;NQS it mattfu* whether it crosses the ocean with Cortes or Forejr. C^turies xdumge nothing in its way of acting. Only libeity and qontact w^ t£e Saxon race can modify it. \ . • The Latin race of the past is Boi'gia and Torquein^dm Fr^cis I, the rci chevalier, that Latm king, par eaxeUence, WAO di^.d C(f quite aur other plague than that of Saint Louis, after having bariexed : hin child- ren for is person and his people for ms children^ The J^in, rac^ is . Louis XV, and the present queen of Spdn ; it is Bourbon and' BoQI^ parte. It is France, with 600,000 funQtionaries fpr ten, jnUUona.p^ men, a governor to every fifteen governed, vrluch o^is^ ;rai4 Loqis ■Coumer'to say that his people were a race (^lacqueys.. It is France, an entire nation, formerly free ana wfirUV^y now Sjufi-,. jected and united in sending her learned oien, her olcl lUQUr her 9014^ iers and her workers to bend down before a lad of ton. y^rs .<4 flg^ . f resident *' heaven save the rimrkl " (of flie Ufliversal ; ExhiU^ion I), t is before this supreme expression of industry and soieiiple. It is the Qreek pepple, ue Bomao people,, iit^ Belgiin . people, distributed without their consent to certain men of a partipiiliir . «pecies called princes. It is the li^ht-haired j^rince of ^^stri^i ded^^red by Louis Napoleon unwortbjjT, of governmg Milan, bi^tl|Qaght goo4 enough to be made a Hexii^an Emperor. It if. the peopl^, pf France paying 500,000,000 tg^ .extiirpate tne lEbpsburg poison in Italy, 4md 750,000,000 to transport it to Mexico, whei'e it becomes the uni- versal panacea. The*Xatin idea is superiority always affirmed, never proved, which says to the Arabs, by Loui^ Napoleon's lips.?-— ^*You belong to us by riglxt of, ciyiUzation ;" to th^ repubucftij^f the South, '' by the cannon -[of Spanis|v fleets;" Moparcby nevei;,abr; ^cate even by treaty ; to America by th^ voice of Leanwrtiijie : **%^ iure the property of Europe because you hayegpld; and; corn,^ For, to return to Lamarline's own words : " ITQWi who does not knoV that the corn and wheat of America, of thfi valley of the Missisa^ui,' especiaHy, are the granary of the world in case of famine, as Sicuy was the granary of the Romans." SOLl'b'ARITT OK'HAtlONS. 95 - Who does not ktioi^ tbbt the master of^Gi9p;itaI is the master' of in- terests, ^nd that Europe, soq|i given upto thlig^ country of all mono* ;;^y,''iv^o^dfoiieyer bear het'y^e.t wTm) does not Jknow that, mas- tert of the price of silvnr and gold, they wotild also be mastery of 9jir most vital industry, and that their ahready, planned coalition a,gMnst the silk trade; -^hi^A rivals their cotton trade, would rum Lyons,, the capitid of tisstieii, and the sicond c|ipital of France ? " •* Let utf then seize America.'* The Latin'idea is the stippression of the commuidments of God r^D- placed bv the Gosj^l^ according to ooveteousness. The tatin idea^ is monopoly deified in the person of an emperor. Who, then, can print hid thoughts, discuss public expenses, defend his .interest and the dignity of the country, without periuisaipn of the £m- pfero r to' FraAhas genemusly sent back the Belgian prisoners, refus- ing to avenge himself upon the innocent. Guided by the example of Washington and by that of our fathers^ these men have perferred right to poweJ*, jtl^tlce to force and the esteem of their tfellow^itizens, t^ titles and crosses. Thanks to these ex- amples and tO'thei^membrance of pdst oppression, the American r^ ptobfics, regenerated by liberty, they are ridding theniselves every day of all useless rtiiti'ed and gold laced men. Free and joyous, they Ixaye proved to the wpyld th^t .^ ^ n^J^oi). , a^t^p4p, \q .it4 «^fffvr8|{ fi^uch ■ftettei-\Wtho\it sdch iiiep^^^ ..j .:■;,;.. >..»,.» '*" But^ 'neither Loiiis Napolepji nor Ite j&ppe iior: Spain c^iii^ )^olepjf^te -ifcch scandal/ The Laiiii' idea n^pcked at by t^e Latin's, , tfeemfj^lyea I ^WMkt an eiatni)le! ". / r " .^,; [■ , , , ;.. . "^^'I TOfe champions of the Latin race resolved to put an end .to.-ti[Q qx- Hktin^ Hcamlal and to eeel; out the id^a opposed to t^^ir-vpwA and atrangle it upon it;* own Ii earth. We Americans wei"© t(^^st];oo^4;he7 were obliged to content themselves with llexioo, wiile,.flrai(ting'." for libiilethiTig better, and thus it is that the hist named u^imstrtunf^te coun- try has been obliged to undergo the invasion pf the Rn^fiiapa,of''the "W«jt^ of anew attlla coming to destroy republican clviUz^^f^ in;^e '■^^6 of monarch lal barbai'ity, ' . j,^. .,". . ,.. ■^''' Thanks to the' French people, whicli must not lUwajp^be opij^fo^p^^ ^iWtli 'its government, ana thanks to ourselves in ameaawre t^. ! ^qif pm- ■^ment will fail. Spain does* not cojisider herself" beaten iijil prcjer to. ob- ^tiSa ^consolation for the prosti-ation of her hopes in ^exipo, • GMfie^a. ,a cQinpeni^ation in Chile and Peru. The question is thei^p^^-^'lfEEJjfro- ■*psrili , ^xal^e irti^* solidkftty df Nations i' fe *. ,{ . .. j :,, ■' ''■ ^ ■ '' "CHAPtiJ'ft' xit: '' - ■ ■■'■ '\ -..'.j THE, JyCOiSrBQ^ J^OOTKUf^. . .1 i,^,.The Monroe Doctribf) has farniBhed and still oontinues to furnish iiibject-matter for considerable discussion; and judging tvon&f the views of Europe, ^nd thoae of our State ■ iDepartibent^ the question appears to be not well, understood. By the first it is: interpreted as a species of ostracisi^ directed by ; America : against Europe, and' is <^ons9quently ^onsidqneid as a drawback; to the absoidte liberty tftkt we invoke ; by .]f |ie seooqd it is interpreted as an edict of the Southern •jjpro-slavery faction, giving the American continent the monopoly of .slavery, without the possibility of any iuterference on the part of ;ihe so-called Uberals of Europe, as^ far as regards the ^^peouhar rin- ^i^dtution.'' in the opii^on of the latter it is destined ta disappear Simultaneously with the institution which it was intended toproteet >andl with its founders. ,Mr. Seward, we believe, would notjgi\iie oAe dollar nor one man towards the maintena«c© of the Monroe JDootrilte. Both of these interpretations eiT in representing th^ great pel- ladium, not only of America, but of universal liberty, as a :bU>w Aimed at liberty. ; . ' . ' . ' ■* As the maintenance of this .doctrine is one of the fundamental fta- tures of our platform, and as it involves the lifie and deadi of America and liberty — which are synonymous terras, America having; no right {o exist in a political, social, or religious sense, except as theKberftl <)utilet of the old world, and as its regenerator tlu-ough.Ubefty--^e so UfLpA KiI>7X p^, jNyA^T^ ON8. .^ fNr<»poBe to U'eatlJua que3trion tltQrqughly^. mils p^st, pra^eQ,(. ^i^ ' lktiu*e^ We defiga^Q jB^staune; iuto the jpircunA8t4ii|ces under .iv^hiph and from wkioh. ^^^pvigja^Ui^ ; inwliat co^^itions.it i^ow exists; upcp ywbat grottn4.it hf^ been atti^clMBd; ^by what ar)^u,iuents H shp^d be 4e&ndied; andfinallj, whiat woald. be the politiqal coosequenoe^ of its ahandoqmiBBt,, ,. .-.,... j . ,.. /• ..■■». • -.DSFIKITION^^. i ■ [.■:■■ r ' **^The p^6laratioh ot Independence Slif^k the fifst breath of inde- pendent national life, on thii^ dontinenl.. 'The ITiiited States assumed at once tlie rank and the responsibilities of a real nation aihong nlationsiJ'iaTi^ig'the right to^gorerti it'self^ to inake war ^d peaoe, jaiid to d^teriniWe its otvn policy iii fetation to cither nation^, aiJcioM- Ipg to Its o wn judgmeiit of it^ .ow^ri iiil)ei*e'filt8and diities. '. This hie^ natioti was nbt in Europe, Was'npt subject to the UabiHtifes 'of the lEiirope^n goyernmiBnts, nor interested in the 'i*isld ah^ fall of EiirOpeiab dynasties, ti6t'coh66rhed for the iiiaiiitehailce'of the balance * of powfer In i*Iurope, not subject' to the baTculatibns "and, complications qt Eu- ropean fttatcsmaiiisbip. It wa^ a nW sensation, an unsolVed'problena, to meet iaec. to face an Araenower which is sustaining tlie liurt will be enlivened l>y the smart of the wound, and for its own sake, as well as for the publio weal, will be reai^^y to come for ward, in arms, or to labor for the for- mation of such leagues as may be needed for upholding the cause of justice. If a power falls in this duty to its elf and to Europe, it grad- ually becomes lowered in the opinion of mankind, and hjippily there ■'iB no historic lesson more true than that which teaches all rulers that a moral degradation of tliis wort is speedily followed by dimsters of uuch a kind as to be capable ol* being exprefSfsd in, pritlimctic," (iPp* 36, ^^?). .^, ..... ^ - ^ ■' .,■ -n Lh »i 'Iv.M'l /;, ill ■ • ■ , Now^ if we wish to see.hQ^y this balftnce;rof powder workii under the mf^nagement .of the E?:eQutiye Committee formed of the five great powers, we h^VQ but to li3ten to Doctor Le p. vitt, who iufoms Its partially of the benefits arisicg from this holy alliance, but still sufliciently to, give us a geperalidea of the spirit^wlueh animates and directs, it: ^ i "Sonj^e instructive view^ of the, practical operation of this pyistem^ in. the case of ^hat are call.e(l Min^r Powers, may ba gathei^ed f^om a cursory examiuiation of the history, of Moderii Greece. About forty years ago, the pepple of Grqece> of i^heir o>vn Record and by their own motion, threw off th^, intoleralfle yoke of Turkey, and de- clared themselves an independent nation. Thereupon, and forthwith. ; /• . ■■.'■?, X SOLIDARITY OF NATIONS. 97 '• ■ ' • ■* '. .!■»■< ' - ■ . . ... ■ the Three Gr^t Fowers tooki^he n^tipu in Qhftrge,* forbade tte . further attempts of Turkey to subdue ihfem, a«d rpquired pf them to confiae their country forever, withia certain narrow limits, jto become d hereditary moQarchy, . and to choose a . king for themselves firom . ikmonig the royal families of Eurppe, Ambject to the approval of the y Three Powers. They also assume tJiQ right of requinng the funding . of the revolutionary debt, nominajlj pf fourteen millions oCdolIirs, although only five miltions had r^^hed t|)e national treasury., /.tn , X^2, the Powers interfered again, creatii]^ jinother debt of teu.mil- ; lions, of whiQh about one. million went fpi; roads and other bby th^ Congress of Vienna, and admipistered by the Gre^t Powers. ; f.Some American writers have fspoken of jthe Holy Alliance as ^ thing lOf the past. . Greece finds it a living . dominion, irpm whosQ.. grasp 6he as yet sees no possible way of escape. Perhaps some renecting n^nds will trace out from this ex^fmple an aualjF^s of the principles involved in the Treaty of LondoU) nnder ■ which the AIexican,:Re- : public is invaded by a European coaHtion to compel the .p^iyment of :. debts and claims eveii more, exorbitant than those imder ]n^|iich , . Greece is pressed to ti^ earth, and will thua .leam . the meaning of the phrase, the e^^tension of the J?ol^*^iqal ■ System of Europe tq the }. American Continent." , . ;., . '• \\ f The avowed object of tjao balance of power i^ysieni ,)^eiug to es- tablish and maintain public tranquility in Europe, it becaane necessary - for the Executive Committee tp, adqpt a political governing, formula, -^ one tiiat should alone be received ..as leg^l; and the monarcbical .> form was naturally adopted by the ^ve great monarchical po\Y^^ as ., the only one compatible wi^h the peace of Europe. In the |]£^u^ of . ,, this -sacred principle all liberty, to manage, their, own affairs cpigson- ,,iai^7^ith their respective in terests^and syinpatlaes, was deiui^d to those nations that might be toO; weak to uphpld their rights by; fiyce. , Jtwasa vast association of speculaitors in natipfialities; unaer the M.coBtpol.of.five crowned highwaymen and ;E»Vope, was the; scene of ,H theit first exploits. , Being warned by the terrible example oi France, which, during 98 MEXICO, AHDTHK twenty-;five years, in the name of liberty, withstood alone all Europe cOalescfed, succumbing only when thedespotism'pf Bonaparte proved ' that lib6liiy had nothmg farther to hope from the deBpat'ls vioiorieit^ this Europeiari Executive Committee, of Holy Alliance, resolved to • pirevent the tntroduction of the liberal element erery where and nttder all possible forms of.ffovemment, eren tinder the monarobical'fbrm. tin beau icteal^iU political standard, was asoliite and h^reditaiy • inonarchy, borti of divine right, consecrated by priestly cerem^ims, ' and protected by the sword. Oonstitutional monarchies were ecn- ce)9iiions made to the times and to the force of public^ sentiment, a new element bom in Europe of the French nevolutioD. This element was weak then, but since it has grown unceasingly until it now: oc- cupies an important place in the counsels of Europe, where H will indeed $hortlyoccnpry the first. ii • Tlie Swiss Kepublic was an anomaly diie to^ ^cunmtanees alto- gether local. ; . It has never been, nor is it to-day, admitted that a govemmeni sprung from the will of the people can have an j»qual political and moral value with a govemttient arising from divine right, that is^; a government based upon traditionary abuses, and one that is aecovnt* able to God alone itathe persons of its ministers. The consequence of {his doctrine is, that any attempt on the part of a people to directly ameliorate their political form of government ; is immoral and injurious to the balance of power or the peace of En- rope, and sacreligiou?, moreover, as it aims a blow at the divine Tights of dynasties. ^ Such a movement is deemed null and void in right and deed, and it is the province of the ^Executive Committee to .intervene to prevent it, if possible, but in any event to prevent its ■ extension. This was the doctrine of the conservative party at the periojl wten the Congresses of Aix la Chapelle, Trappau, Lay bach, and VDrona were hem, and it was expressed in the mllowing formula in a joint circular issued by the sovereigns to their respective legations ; a . circular to which England saw fit to reply by a counter-circular, ad- dressed to her diplomatic agents, which establishes the authenticity of the document. It reads : '"rtie powers have undoubtedlv the right to tak^ precautionary measures in common, where it only ror the sake of example, against those States where the political changes produced by rebelnon are hostile to legitimate government." We will add, that the doctrine prevailing at that time is the present doctrine of the conservative party. Opportunities to put the doctrine into practice were not wanting before long. In July, 1820, the Neapolitan revolution broke out. At the re- quest of the Emperor of Austria the Czar of Russia and the King of Prussia met at Trappau, at which conference the envoys of France aiid England were received, and there«it was decreed to quash; the Neapolitan revolution. But, before proceeding farther, the sovereigns agreed to meet the following year at Laybach, and to invite the ; Ko« of Naples to be present at this Congf es«i. The declaration made by the sovereigns was explicit beyonfd tke possibility of misinterpretation. They proclaimed that they would not gufier in any country a political establishment antagonistic to SOLIDARITY OF NATIONS. 99 I' < ■ ' the principle ot monarchical legitimacy, and that they did not in any manner recoginize the new order oi' things existing at Naples, and they decided that the King ahonld be reinveaded with the power ad in- teffram as held by hini on the fifth <)f July, 11820. Andtbdr dispatch, : laddressed by these soyereignii to theijf 'dij^oioiatic agents (>n the twelfth ot July, 1821^ is expressed thus: ^^Ulsefal or necessary changes in the legislation abd adnaiiustration of States should em- anate alone from the free will and. the mature and enlightened im- pttLi^on of those whom God has rendered responsible and entirusted with power. All aotion aside from thb course must lead to distdvder and perturbation, to erils much more intolerable than those wh^h it is attempted to i*emedy." ' Being oohvinced of this ' eteitial truth, the sovereigns unhesitatingly pmclaimed it, frankly and vigorously. They deci<^ that while respecting' the rights and the independence of every legitimate power,^ they would consider as le^ly .void and inconsistent with the principles constituting the public right of Eu- rope, any assumed reiorm effected by revolt or open force. The ^llowitig year another congress was held; at Verona this time. It was no longer the question of Naples at thie oonfei^nce, but of Spain, which had drawn up a constitution to the offence, of the ligitimate government of Xiouis XYIIL After consultation, the Congress declared its willingnesii to 'support France, if necessary, in the ligitimate enterprise of eradicating this germ of liberalism. Upon this point, Prince Mettevnich wrote to the Austrain represen- tative at Madrid : ^^ Faithful to the system of conservatism and p^kce, for the maintenance of which he. has pontvAQted invoilable , engage- ments with his august allies. His ^it^e^ty wiU, not. ceaise .to oodsider all disorder and perturbations,, whichever patp$ c^ JBh£rt>pe mayi miffer by them^ as a subject o{ lively. soUeitude to all the gOvernmentB,'* etc. • . Thus the perturbations apd d^yprder in the Spanish' colonies affect- ing Spain as a part of Europe^ Europe proposed to apply the balance of power and public tranqujlty s^sftemi^the New World, the whole being based upon the only pplitif^al ^orm capable of insjocing its duration, namely, the moparcbical ferm.; and w^ can conpeive ;that the Government at WashjingtcHi at ^at time n^ust have seriously re- flected upon the possible extjenaipn of the political system of ; Europe to America. :■ , In order to comprehend rtl)!e. importawe of Prince i|etternich's dispatcl^f it must be remembered; that the Sjpanish colonieef, during the war between Spalti and Bonaparte, beb^ separated from the mother country, restricted as all cblonies are, discontented find obliged to provide for their own future, bad declared themselves .independent, gsrhaps at the instigation of Bonaparte^ and ^with the exeeptiop of razil and Mexico^, i^he latter teniporarify, had adopted the repubUcan forfai of goV'emment '\. and this !gi*/Bat declaratiofi of ind^endi^iipe swept away the last Vestiges of European.doctrines and i9uuence on the American CJontineiit in, one of the great liberal .triumphs, pf ^is country. Daftiel Webister thus describes it in his magii,ificont language t .■ r ;' • ''- ■.■.•..;.,,;".'* **^mong the gteat' events df the half^ce^turyj we jfiue(t respect certainly, the rchroluticfc.of 'Soith Amerioa; and we are Aoi. likely to 100 MEXICO, AND TllK ,,. ,.\ : .. ■..■:. ■-.■: -^'i. ;. ..• . ■; M- . .xi. ■ ■ ' ; ■ * ovarrate the. iiaportdtwe of thjiJt revola^ioii, either to the gr'owth of ,;,1il5iei country itself, or to >the/resti of iheirorld. When the battle of . iSunker 'JSlll wfes fought^ the^^^ktie&^e 6t South Amerjca was 8ca*cely . dfelt in -the Ksivilized wdrlit:- The thirteen little colonics of North . America habituf^ljr called themselyes the Continent. Borne down by colonial subjugation, moncmoiy^ and bigotry, those vast re^ons lOf th.e So\»th were hardly visible above the horizon. But in our day . .th(»reba8 been, as it were, anewi-creation. The Southern Hemisj^here ^BaueygeB from the sea. frits lofty mountains begin to liH themiyelves ;: \ntfy Sie light of heaven; its broad and fertile plains- stretch out in ; beauty to- the eye of civilized man ; and at the bidding of the voice /!of political libertjr^, the waters of dfirkness retire." .J . Wenlust takei^o bonsiderati^^ political situation of the i. Umted.Stlates In 1828, wbich!is perfectly deftned by Dr. L^avitt,in : the-follbWBg:.liern>s.t ■ ;: ■■■ « r ;■'■•; ■'■■■ "Fortuoatielyjffwe hadmen in the 'administration of our goVern- . : ment, wbo.^possessfed hoth'th^ tozsdoni and the patrihtisinio cotnpre- heod the wJuation, and act «s the occasion required.* It Was the , golden perOad of our poliHealhisiory.^ The devotion to public in- .HerestB, whidi characteriked the dayd of the ' revolution had hot died ,.; out, for Jeflferson^ MidisonvMartshall^Rufus King, aridihany' of their n,OQp[^>attio«iS wiei^ still alive. The native sagacity *^ otir early -M-rtiatesmen which had baflied the diplomatic «kiirbf iSnrjope^ had been , . i^ip^iled by the/ practical expieriencie of tiiirty years' in ^the adminis. »: twtion of affairs at home and ab^ad: PiiVate interest ha^ not become BO large as to withdraw most of the ' Ablest ndeti from public selrvice. • ifarty spirit had iiiirt'c^ten out the kceti:' sense of whit becomes tbe '.ilonor of the ocmntry. And skvety had not yet extikguiBhed patroitism in half the States of the Union., It was in the lull of party strife called Hhe era of good feelings.' It \ra^,ih6r trah^tion period b^\*^een the patriotic iilexperience of out ihikrit Govenimeiit and the dominant sel- '■ fisbness of late' years. Some df' the 'men still in publid'life bad parti- - "cipatedifn the cJarcs of goven^ent' \s^b(Bri "the indifference, if ' not obntempt of EuroJ^e for our inSignificancie. was' a shield to us against agression. All of them ha with hatred, :weiiiay easily conceive tliat the id^a of again encounteiing the danger of oombattiti^ - the armed propagandism of ttie* absoitite dodtrfnei^ of $!ttrape, inspiiied'' thsse-meh with aF]goi!ous:measm'e^!:oiie deseed to avert the- dangbi^^ before having to contend 'Wibh'it :'':: i • ^"^ • 1.;: . S . • r «Ij Matter* wereln.thiri ^Itote'wheii the -death: of -Lord Caittereagh oo- ■ curred. ; That eeedous par^^sam cf the Holy^ AlUand^a:fi^Yttitnl6beforfi» ' his deatii, stated to MntiRush, ithd American AthbHiieadm- at tidtidon',' that he would not agree to ^xxoncUid^ion behgeiBV^JSpain knd, < ket^ botoniBs^ unless hasednpon tfrny ejUire^suMissionto thenMtAef' feiwiify.; » Hieid thi^- decasion been carried itmty it would certainly ^haiirebroil^hthab^ * war with America, and.tii* death ofl. this .man, whb piiri^i^d ■ bjr hte ' own hand, was therefore a &ttanateieFeiit'fb>r mankindl' H^-t^s sti^^ ce^edby GtecvgpCanningj whbbdongedto aschoolof p6litii(%^tirc(ly > opposed to that of his predisbewoif. : iOariniri^'SMfliledliiAilself bf 'fchfe ' fitst oppoitunity to inform the if^nch Qoyer«mMt'^At( \Btf glinid ooh- sidered the course of events asihayhig i^ubstaatially ile^lSd^ t&i6 qu^^OH' ' of the sepiaratiofl of the icdoniesifrom' Spalin^ ' On t^' Weiity4hi^ of AUgusty 1823^, Mr. Rush wrote : to 'Mjr/€aiiining- ib i-^ly'to thlft?' communication : •• ; •: ; ^' : ^ . "■ ■•• • :» . •< . ' ^' That what his government most earnestly desiredf was* tO'^s^e tbbsd •states ' received into the family of nations by the Fd\<^r^ Of Suttlpei ' and especially by Great Britain ^^ that tho'settUmebts in tbei'iibte ^Ar^re shared by the United^ States, who cpnsidiered the recovery of tho colo^' nies of Spain to be entirely hopeless, and would ^r^ai^d as 'highly'' unjust, add aa&uitfuji of disai^oitsicoiiseqheweesj^! any scttetnpi on tihe pai*t of {any EixrQpeaB;power,vtO'take by the President Monro^on the seoon^ Dec^mb0i',/1'823, in lilis anntfal message, as follows:i-": '■•;■''' ■■••{■'!■■ '■ ■ - '*" ^ "Of events in/that qdart^^* of the globe 'w^ith whidh'Wft-'havd'Bd ' mush interoouuscy and fh)m which' we. derive oiw ori^n, tvehkVealwiiyA' been anxious, and^ interested sptetators.: i Thie citieewi'Of ^ie 'UnilJedJ States cherish seolimeniftthe hioet! friendly m^$hifr oi the'lib«ft^y 'att^f ; • J J -^ -'. /T n ' , . /T ' • ' ; . I A ' 1 . I « > ' 102 -V MEXICO, AND THE ,' .[ :;' ■ f/'J^ '''•-. '■■■■■•■. ■ ; ■. •! 1 ■■■• ' * . . ■ ■■.'..' '■ ".i;". /' . iit.l : haj)pmes8 jq£ -tlieir fellow-rmi^ on that si^eofi^lie. Atlantic * • In tlid^ wa)*s f:ff .t^'fidropean iPowevB, in matters relating to • themselves, we^M have neyfei'.taken any part, nor does it comport with our pcJkjy «o to' do. .. I I^ii^ only wh^n our "iights are invaded, or seriously 'menaced, that ,W)e iref^pt injuries, or make ! ipreparationls for par defence; ' With i * the noiK^tement^ ^ this hemisphere, wie are of neceasity more immedV^ > atM3C,nnecttid, andiby causes which must be obvious to all enlightened > .ai:d>impartial] observeirs. The politicalsyBtiem of the allied powers is: .f?s§'entially different in this respect from that of America. This diffei*- ' .ence pro0iee49fix)m that trhich Exists in their respective .^governments. And to th^de^iQce of lour o.ifii,^iiidb has been acliieved ^thso madi expense of blood and treasuita, imd inatui>ed by the. wisdom of thek most eitllightened citizeins,' aind under whiek we have enjoyed most ttn<^ exampkd ftlicity, this whole nataoH is devotted. > We oive it, therefore, to candor, and to the amieablei reiAtions subsisting between the ITnilJed ' States and these Powers, to declare, that we slMald consider amy 4it- ! tempt oa thdr pait tp -extend theit system to any portion of this hem^ < isph^re as dangerous to. tor peace and safety! With the existing > cQloflies or depeni)endies of anjl^ Bmtipeian Power we have not interfered^ » and sb^ not i»tei*fere. Bat with* the governments who have declared ' their] independence, and maint^ned it, ai](d /whose (independenoe/n^^ have, oa grelE|t<;onsidetatioQ, and oh just prititiiples, aoknowledgedf we could no^view itay interpd^tion^ for the purposes of bppressibg them^< or.oontrollingiil aaybtbep niannel- their, detitiny,' by any Ein|opeaii i Power, Iq any. other ^ight than as the manifest^on of an iunfrieiidiy ' di^po&(Lti{)|i toward the United States. In the war i)etween these ffov^^ enufteats aad Sp^, we declared our ■ lieutraHty at l the time of VmAp ! > reOQfgnitiop^ at^ t<> this we have adhei*ed; and shall continue to afittij^g.tio declare to the Russian Government that the American Continents, by iher firee and independent conditions they<' have, assun^edyand maintain^ed, aire henceforth hot' to be considered subjects for future colonization by any European power. This dootijne^ - as ahO^^n 'ia the preceding declarations, is summarily < desm*^dl by DoqtQrXeavittfittthfese terms: i I i <* .^^ Istp .That th^ -Amerioaii Continents, (leaving out the islands) are * hQiiocforth po}; to extend thdr po[i^c^ pystem' to.-any portion of this hl»nl[^>: phere as * dangerous to onr peace and; safety,* and eit ooui'se tO' b«|»' couT^teriac^d o(ra3t^..the.maQif> UAilted States, wUeh tire sholild beoatied 'upon to notice by protest = or ^ r^monsti:M0e« or in suohiway as we sboold think our honor and int^-^-^ est required." SOLIDABITY OF NATIONS. 103 : ■' . •• '■' : -. • /. - . : .. -, The Saa^ of MootioeUo oharaoteijzaB it ^s , fpllows, in a letter to Praaidebt Monroe, i»^A 24th Ocft^ber^ 1923 : ,. j ^<- Thai made us a naUpa ; thi9 8et» our compass, and poinUike cowstf/^ wkiek wt are to steer through the ocean of time. Jin^.,n^ver could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious. Om* first and fun- damental maxim should be, nover to entia^g]^ oi^ra^lves in the broils of ' £«rope. Our mxmd, never to mffer Europe • to iri^^meii^ile with . /cis^, ; ; AHaniio affairs, Amei*ica has a se;t of inteirests, (North and Soii,th),.;. diatinet from those of. Europe,, and peculiaiiy her owp. ; She should,.,; therefose, have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe ; the last is laboring to become the domicil ©f despotism ; our endieavors should sorely be to make our hemisphere that of freedolu." And Mr. Benton denned the idea of the American; Gpyernraent even still better in the loUowing sentence : >^The Holy AUiaojce for the maintenance of tb^ order of things.,, which they, had e^blji^hed in Europe, took it under advisement to extend their care to tfaet young Ameticaii republics of SpaiMsb^ origin, andito convert tiiem into monarchies, to be governed by so(ver,eigns of European slpdksi — sndi as the Holy Allies might, put upon them^ It was against the extension of this.£n]:opean system to the two Apxericas that Mr. Mcmroe protested.'.^ This.' was the clear : and finn reply uttj^red by. libei'ty and right to kuags and despolidi of th0.p€K>ple^ America sti;etchejd out her in|ghty, !» hand towaod the crowned, he^ of Eui^ope and ciied : '^ Halt! lifot ! astep fivtber!'^' This caUu wacning menace produced a great seus|a- lion in ^utppe, and the Libti^rals took jEresh cpHrage, not oniy in Spain^ . I>at thndogbout the whole world-.' President Mqipi^oe's dedaratipii ¥f,aS|. 'reo(ii^ d^clapfid that no ooca^onhad ever q];e;^ed greasier joy, exaliation and gratitude among all l^e A:e§,XDen in, Europe; that ^ho felt a pridie in being, connected by \A<^ ^d language with the peo- ple of the United States ; that. the :feeling dJ,solQsed. by tljie message* . ^became a great, a free, and an ind^iendent.nation ; and that he hoped hiaioiwa bountry would be . prevented .by -nf^^meaupnde, or paltry jealonay^. from following so noble and glorious an ex^ipple.*' Dr. Leavitt adds : ' i V, ,. -S^ Such a declaration, so uttere4i and irpoeiVfe^ with^Uiph disting4ish«> ' «ed coBsidiiiiation/ and followed by, so mqmentous resuj^ ought not tp . I>e regarded as of trifling significance oir of .forasient authority. 6y ^ it , the> XJoitedt States took the position^ which of right belonged to the% . :asthe first df , AmericanIr^publicSy,the proper Jrepresentatiy^s of Amerioan pdmeiples, the faithful d_efender of Amev^can interests^ ^ It was as Mx. Edward Livingstone tetmed il^, ^apded^ to the worlc},' and invojlyed national Obligation^ ' aQd, . responsibilities^ which will nevpr die out, so longas we tematik a freeixep^lia, F.^r the obligations assumed by^ , nations dor not diie With those, whp i^ui^red them, pr c^ase to bind berj . oataae not duly valued by a succfsedipg g,e^eration. ' iXt Jt^ecame and is , to.us,. in our relations with both Europe an^ Aujieric^^ ,. the point of ' j honor, in losing which, we beconoe a base natipB^.fbr hoiipr .i3 the ciia^r^. . tity of natioQH, as pattiotism is the &ith pf their, citizen^. It is fp ^f regroflted that^so many of oair,Pwn. pditUcans, . from one*inotiye aua ; another, have either grievously misapprehended the import of the 104 MEXICO, AND THE declaration, or have been insensible of its importance as well as of it» permanent force. The learned and judicious compilers of Appleton*B Cyclopedia have con-ectly pronounced it •' a platform of principle on this important subject, which has been approved by the prominent statesmen of the country, fi'om the time of its proclamation to the present.'" ' Liberty had at last found a defender. The star of liberty ros«e from the American horizon, and all people learned that they might rally around a common centre which would protect their rights, theii' aspira- tionh, and their beliefs. Yrota that day we have to date the niaterial and moral power of America ; upon that day her divine mission was clearly set forth in the world's histoiy. The hope of nations, and a constant menace suspended above the head of despotism, an object of love and gi'atude tojthe one, and or hatred and apprehension to the other, such has been the moral rank of America in the world since the second of December, 1323^ and so gi'and and strong is this rank, that notwithstanding the strong desire more than once manifested by Louis Napoleon and the English aris- tocracy to take advantage of the Southern- rebellion, to saOTifice the object of their antipathies, they have been obliged to fall back, mo- > mentarily at least, befoi^ public opinion. Notwithstanding the impoitance of President Monroe's declaration^, it needed the sanction of a public contestation in the Congress, whioh fixed its limits and gave it a national ratification. This contest took place in 1826. The Central American republics, Columbia and Mexi^ CO, sent einvoys to beg the government of the United States to send representatives to the Panama Con^-ess. Mr^ Clay fevored the propo* sition, and the President agreed to it, when the oppositionj whiich wa» embittered by the alleged bargain for the presidency between Adama and<31ay, at once seized the opportunity to' attack the policy of the government. Three leading points were brought into disoussion: • 1st. Whether the United States could send representatives to the Congress of Panama withotit violating their neutral policy 1 • 2d. The real signification of the Monroe di^ctrine. 8d. Whether President Monroe's message should be considered a» inaugurating the t)olicy'of the United States, or as bearing upon a special question ? . . • . The opposition smd : It is Evident that you intend to hold an Amer- ican council of amphictyons at Panama, and oppose a holy ailiiance of the people to the holy alliance of sovereigns, and you violate our neu* trality. With regard to the Monroe dootrine, said Mr. Hayne,' of South Carolina, neither Mr. Monroe nor the American people eviar in- tended to go beyond a simple protest That great and good oitizen< well knew that in this circumstance he could only use moral force. This interpretation raised a genei*al outcry of indignation* thirongh^^ out'tjie country, and both the friends and the opponents of the Admins ifltlitl^' spdlitaneously icombined to reassert the national honor afteh*.'- thy alftont. Johnston, Wirt and Webster, as well as Livingston and VmyiSi received the itiiwanimous applause of the country for protesting^* agtifiii Ibyne's an'ti-jiiitional interpretata^on. tnvUigstoiithns suminariiy discusses the question: '' Monroe's de- ffi^oii lisAii' been 'idkll'ed Bn bUieaJtion, and so do I consider it.= It is SOLIDARITY OF NATIONS. lOS ' !■ . .' ' . / ■ not an obligation made with ourselves and with posterity, (an expres- sioft which Jaomider ui fact 9» a subterfage unworthy of our country,.- aodiinform as ft solecioDH^) but aa e^gagQo^t; entered iptci by us withi theworld»to resist IBurop^n intervcntioBki^ America by all rneaq^^ and although the engagement has been nnide by only one of the gr^ftti' poWerS) it has b^n ratified by the unanimous consent of the nation. 'fr Again, a ceitain speaker having < blamed the Administratiott for rer suscitating a doctride which ceased to exist with the cessation of the circumstances that gave it birth^ the majority declared that the United - Stated were.prepar^ at all times, a;Dd under idl oircttmstances, to ot^ pose the intervention of any European power upon the American co«*f tin^t^ and that the Monroe docU'ine had, in nclwi^^) ceased{to be th& basis of American policy. • President Adattis's policy received the indorsement of Congress^ atti in 1859 thel saifiue doctrine was reaffirmed^ regardit^g England with th^-^-. same vigor Ks in 1823 and 1826* - . * - And why is this not t^ -case i^ 1864 1 Have the i^elations in which. Europe stands toward America (become changed? Has the balance, of' power o^&di to be the political' compass of ]^rope? . la^ the Holy Al*' liaoce principle no longer ifi 6>rce? Has monaji^chial pro|>agandi0txk./ abdicated m &¥edr of pqpular .right 1: These -.questions should be pptfi and arived before seelung whether it.be advisable to maintain oiriftban-** . doDth^^iMonilo^ (doctrines . ' We have i^eea Greece placed uqderraqson^ibpund,. gagged^ ail^ • utterly ruined^ but ^nd. at the cost>of liberty, |ud4 whose jpe^ns^te- 1^^ ^d ' living saviour,. Garibuldj, was wiar^ed: act A^romonte by la bfi^t from that subjeo!, of Kapol^oQ^ called^ !y)Ctp]r£}9^^nuel^' iE^ach d^y.jwe'bave iho spectad^^ of Italy, panting add Oppressed^ Wpioi^xig. herriuoity, her existence^], only to be refused in the namex>^ ttker.tfraii^uil^yiQf jSurope, for thetr benefit of thebalancftpf po\i?w*/ • .: ,. i '-'i Poland, that^v^i&At''da!^bter of it^he Nprth,.faas (been c^t and imt. in ittece^ biffokea^ alive-; bii;tt?:foeT texuu^ityof 'lifi^i: o^ccrmore itt th^j name of nighty teayes^n4:id0@($a'Xhat!high s)H»iff that greati £uzK)pe%|i ax0e«a^^n^---t^ Czsa: of i^ussia: . . .: r, Then there is Huogatyv 'A'PO<>^ victinii crudie^ in the iron g^Bsp^ aP the Czar of BussijKiaiid the £^4>'$^ar,of Austria,rthase{ two bandijks of.^ the North) jdtithiB h€»'oio.xesis(^aeice of Hu|ig.!{;{ I- > ;i!j ..jm;; jififvftil 106 MEXICO, AND THE monstrous doctrine received the sanction of Seward ft Co., we may date the abdication of Aiiierica as a power in the ejes of Europe ; on that day Europe first thought of attaining her ends, by leaving the gpeat Republic of the United States standing alone, so as to be able to attack her in perfect safety, as soon as the country should become suffi- ciently weakened by its own effoits at preservation. Louis Napoleon was the executor, and probably the promoter of the first part of this Machiavellian programme. Ai*e we in less danger now than at the time of the first Holy Alli- ance? Was it not in the name of the most essential principles of the Holy Alliance that Bonapai1;e wrote to Forey to treat any government es- tablished in Mexico as provisional, and liable to be replaced at will by another government also provisional 1 Is not his intention in Mexico simply the putting into practice of the doctrine against which Monroe pFetested in 1823 ? He says to Mexico, You have wronged a part of Europe by not paying your debts, and by ndt assuring the safety of 'Our merchants on your soil ; consequently I call upon my allie&to join with me and intervene, so as to give you a more stable government, and one more consonant with om- principles and our European ideas of order and honesty ? What difference is there between the doctrine of the Holy Alliance in 1864 and its doctrine in 1823 ? Did not Europe make use of the same language in 1823 to the Spaniih-Amenoan colonies in rebellion : ^'You are disturbing public order ^ injuring a part o/JfJurope, ^7id giving a bad eocample / restore order (yr we shall interfere,** Will not America remain faithful to her origin, to her history, and her great mission* Can there not be found another Monroe in 1864 to lay a heavy hand upon the crown of Loiiis Kapoleon^ and say as our tathei*s did to the first Holy Alliance : ** Halt! in the name of the people. You can advance no further!" The Monroe doctrine, if well understood, involves the gravest ques- tion of the age. It is destined to fix the battle-field upon which those two principles that have been opposed during so many centuries must •come together ; where liberty and absolutism, the people and mon-' archs, the right of the former to live in fireedom, and to dispose of themselves and of the fruits of their labor, and the privilege of a few- bandits, crowned by the grace of Grod, and with the sanction of his ministers, to bequeath to t&ir descendants the sacred and inalienable right of dividing the people, their labor, their treasure, and their blood among themselves, shall decide their contest. The American people should comprehend now What their fi^thers so wall understood : that what affects one people affects all; that what a^cts the liberty i)f 'One affMs {he. whole. '.Unity against the en- croachments of ^he tbMittiroMAl STbttay in the iMuneof the most sacr0d • ^f all right^ itfuil! ' ^ ^1 ^dlteV^tMtil' ' ntf^U'^hiB is the Monroe ' •deotriiie.' ''Jo'wi mi^iuv^hri/. .= i ■ ■ i! ■-•_• . III."'" tfi^uufi ■». ni.--.. ^TEB XV. ■I >Jll/* IIJ •■••!Mli.':!'- . .■■' " ' ■■• -ir. " lA iiaijrpairiw,' ithv ^ veprasented by SOI. IDARITY OF NATIONS. 107 Lonis Napoleon as the greatest enterprize oi his reign. Not^rtth- standing, it has not succeeded in pleasing any nation, either in Eu- rope or America ; neither Mexicans nor Frenbh, neithar clericals noi- liberals, not even Lotiis Napoleoii nor Maximilian themsielves. Not even the speculators who, vulture-like find a prey everywhere. Eng- land alone, perhaps, finds her account in the affair, but she hoped for " better things. I have shown the duplicity, which, as early as 1861, presided oVer the councils of Spain and France, in the preparations for the'expedition. I have shown Spain, deceived in all its Bourbon hopes, retiring sulki- ly, while England, after having mingled, just sufficiently in the plot to know alHts details, retired also, rubbing her hands with satisfaction * at having helped France into a quagmire, from which she might * emerge as best she could. I have shown Monsieur Billaut declaring, in 1862, in the name of Louis Napoleon, that France had only gone to Me3dco to prote^btoTy i«'.*o' ' American policy, but as to the future liberty of the world. I have re- 108 MRXICO, AND THE presented it as the palladium of nations, the point (Tappiu of their solid^*ityy the key of the vault of the futui'e social edifice, which is. based upon universal progress, aiji^ crowned by oiniversal freedom* . . I have noted down, in passing, the imprudent declarations of Louis Napodeon, as to the L^tin race and the stvaoge sffirniation of LapiartiQe, the confident of his thoughts, as to his. pretended rights in America^ I have shown, in some measm*e, what this race has beoa in the past and what it now represents in Europe ; what it is, what it will be* in thO;. future, upon that continent, rocked upon two oceans, caressed by lib- erty, and sustained by the valiant people of America. . And now it remains lor me to conclude. To France, I. would sayi " In 1862, it was sufficient for you to maintain the Convention of the Solidad. In 1864, when you were in Mexico, you should have treal*. ed with Juai*ez, instead of seeking to establish a ruinous empiiey . which it was impossible to sustain. In 1865, you should have left th|& empire to its unlucky fate. In 1866, 1 give you the same advice. *' Considei' y^ur comrnqrcial situation," 1 would addL "Is not your freight highex' ^han that of America or England 1 Wliy 1 Because you keep up the cadres of an aimy of 700,000 men, an immense ; ma- chine, which consumes without prod'idng and consequently causes the f price of everything to.be raised. And it is in these .c(>nditipns that, you throw yourself, in the way of free trade ! Aod it is with unequal : freight that you wish to sti'uggle with the manufiicture of England: 'and Germai^! On every 8ida4K>mplaintfi .arise, and unless yoa 4^' - vote yourself to the exclusive contf^mplatioa of your feet^ it is impof* sible not- to. see the social storm, which Louis Napoleon, has gathered .: above your heal, . It. is impossible^ withoutimitatipg the companipi|& of tJlysses, not to hear the dull muttering . of revqiutionary thundQT • about tgr pe^l forth. Count the cooperattv.e; associas^ons : for on, the ' day, w^n they, shall number the majority of t^e. working men in their cu*cl^ f he social revolution will hie rea^. . It is impossible. for you to feUiiggle with the two greatest maritime ) powe;*sin thewoi'ld, with an .unequal freight ; it is impossible to re^ estabUsh the equality of freight ; withoutr incre^ing the prodqetipn,. without decreasing itie. ,army ; it i^ impoasibl«^. to decrease the army: • wiji^out renoundng distant expeditiQps. to M^cp of which . the '■ n^ result^, stripped of all ftrt,.is the loss of 11,000* mea,: and 750,000,000^ «nd an enforced retreat, . To the United States, I would say ; " Read Louis Napoleon'Srletter to Qeneral Forey with attent^)n, and pause at the following passage^. ^^It is America that feeds our factories, and causes our commerce tpflouV'^. is/i," and, further on, it is. to prevent America ^^from seizivg upon the Grulf of MexiCQf,. having dominion over the AiUilles an well as Southern Am^cayand being the onhi dispenser of the products of the New WorldJ'* , That Louis Napoleon writes and signs with his own hand, that be. has resolved upon establishing a monarchy in Mexico. Then drair, > your conclusions and say whether logic does not demaiid that we should defend our assulted iaterests, and place those of the aggressor in jeapar4y. Louis Napoleo^i declares that he sent an army to Mexico f in the interest of French commerce, in reality he sent itUiere in the interest of the monarchial cause. Let us tlureaten what he protects, we will protect what he threatens. Let us give ourselves up . to the paoi- fic aod prpdtiQ^ve w^^r of • tariff, Ijot m protect our kbqr. Let q& SOLIDARITY OF NATIONS. 109 teach nations that they are responsible for their governments, and that, if they are so weak as to suffer themselves to be governed against their interests and their wishes, cowardice finds a just retribu- tion here below, like every other vice. It is time to change the inter- national code of kings into that of peoples, and to add to it the new but essential element of justice and truth. Let us then unite, people of America,* ye who enjoy the privilege of being fi'ee, to cause it to be comprehended by the nations of Europe that all countries are solidary and that their common, only and univer- sal interest, is to be free and to dispose of themselves directly and to the greatest advantage to their interests. Then there will be no fur- ther monarchial aggression, consequently no more war. Where would be the place of a Louis Napoleon among nations ? That of Satin in Paradise. Life must be made as unendurable as possible to monarcliial nations, and our people should be made the constant object of envy and jeal- ousy. Perhaps they will then find sufficient energy and good sense to be rid of the monarchiial apparatus applied to nation to draw out their substance and crush out their life. Why should we protect a government which has not ceased to show itself hostile at the expense of our industry and our working men ? What interest have we in diverting the lightening from the throne of a man whose bad-will towards us is only limited by his powerlesness *? What better ally could we have than a French Republic 1 I am not uttering republican propaganda at this moment, but eood sense, common sense. We do not make republican propaganda, be it so, we are not yet strong enough to do so ; but that we should aid in monarchial propaganda is a thing which it is impossible to justify, we nevertheless do so. To the Mexicans, I would say : " Fight, fight on, without cessation, with or without Juarez, in the name of your republic and liberty, in the name of independence and of the dignity of your countiy, and if but one of you remains, let that man rise up, his sword in one hand and the flag of his nation in the other, and let him kill before dying. There is no treaty to be made with the foreigner and the usurper. Even death is fertile, it biings forth sympathy, respect and vengance. What I say to Mexico, I say to the other American republics, for there is but one cause and but one principle at stake, that of justice and liberty threatened by despotion. The struggle of the South against the North, the powerless attacks made against Mexico, Chili and Peru by France and Spain are but the lightening warnings of the irrepressible conflict between the new and the old world, the past and the future, Europe and America. Momentarily abandoned, these struggles will be unceasingly resumed, every time that an internal dissension or reclamation offers au opportunity or a pretext. The European system cannot be developed nor even maintain itself side by aide with the American system. It must kill us or die itself Divide et impera is the only motto that it can adopt with regard to us. It has divided the North and South, it has divided Mexico, it will divide all that it can, then it will attack Nations. Let us be united for defence as kings are united for attack, and for our war-cry, let us cast this defiance to the winds of battle I " Solidarity ! " victoiy will respond ^'Liberty!" 1-' >* f*